Transition Period
9.1 Life has shown that capitalism is incapable of solving the problems of poverty, unemployment and deprivation. Its rule has only led to wide economic inequalities among people. With the bourgeois ruling clique's compromise with feudal and semi-feudal elements and its growing collaboration with imperialist powers it is incapable of carrying out the tasks for taking ahead the democratic revolution. There has to be a different class combination to lead the country towards completing the democratic revolution and preparing the transition to socialism. This democratic revolution has to be anti-feudal, anti-imperialist and anti-monopolist. The classes and sections of people that are in action for carrying out these tasks of the democratic revolution whether spontaneously or consciously are the working class, the rural proletariat, the working peasantry, the progressive democratic and secular intelligentsia and the revolutionary sections of the middle class. Rallying around a firm worker-peasant alliance, they can lead the country during the period of advancing the democratic revolution by replacing the big bourgeoisie from the leadership. It will be a type of new democratic revolution, not the old type of bourgeois democratic revolution.
9.2 By fighting imperialist machinations and attempts at imposing neo-colonial dictates through international financial and trade agencies dominated by U.S. imperialism, it will complete the national democratic tasks. Likewise, by fighting and eliminating the monopolist big bourgeoisie, it goes through the people's democratic tasks of the revolution.
9.3 Capitalism with its contradictions, crisis and its incompetence to solve the basic problems of the common people, whether globally or in India is not permanent, stable, and the 'end of history', but only one phase in the history of humanity. Like its predecessor the colonial-feudal phase, it will be superceded by another kind of society vlz. the socialist phase. This is the march of progress. The completion of the tasks of the democratic revolution in India will not be a permanent halting stage. Between this and the advance towards socialism will be the period of the revolutionary transformation from the one to the other. How long this period will be cannot be predicted or envisaged now. There is nothing like a manual of strategic and tactical decisions that will determine this. It is only political actions and mass movements based on the situation inside various regions and in the country, that will decide what is necessary and possible at any time. Politics has to be subordinated to the historical development, viz; the growing mass actions against bourgeoisie policies. It is not as if we have to 'introduce' socialism, as a sort of utopia but to coordinate the growing spontaneous as well as organised mass movements and lead them towards a mass upsurge in the country. In this the global context will be an important factor to be taken into account. This is possible only when led by the Party and similar other forces who move into action with the revolutionary ideology of scientific socialism as their goal. Broad Political action and democratic mass movements are the keys. It has been seen that real politics begins when millions are on the streets. This has been amply and forcefully demonstrated in recent days in various countries, as well as in India.
There were extremely powerful and unprecedented mass upsurge against autocracy and oppressive dictatorial regimes in Arab countries which brought determined millions on the streets. They showed great promise and won success at the first stage. But they could not succeed in taking the country towards democracy and social progress in the absence of a leading centre having a definite programme of social transformation with the result that they were ultimately taken over by all brands of fundamentalist forces. However once the people have realized the force of their mass action they cannot be kept down for long. The 'Occupy Wall Street' Movement with avowed and strident 'anti-capitalism' slogans mobilized thousands of youths in the very citadels of finance capital for several weeks. It is a fight of the 99% vs. the 1 %, as claimed by the participants. But the Movement has been more or less stagnating for the reason that there is no clear idea what alternate system to fight for. However the movement has withstood repression and all hostile propaganda and divisive tactics to defame and destroy it. The genie is out of the bottle. It cannot be forced back. The policy represented by Dalal Street (the headquarter of India's finance capital and Stock Exchange in Mumbai), is identical to the policies followed at the Wall Street in New York. Bank employees in India are planning to launch a similar movement here.
9.4 The capitalist path of development has reached a dead end. There is no future for India along this path. The only other path open to it is the path of workers' and peoples' struggles for progress and social justice. The path of workers' and peoples' struggles, the path of the socialism.
All sections of working people, working class, the peasantry, the rural proletariat, urban middle class, the women's movement, the youth and student movement have all to be drawn into the fighting alliance. The ideological struggle is of vital importance against all opportunist and sectarian dogmatic trends and all anti-scientific theories. For this the broadest possible democratic unity needs to be built.
9.4 At this stage it is necessary also to guard against petty bourgeois revolution ism hijacking the mass actions and distracting them from their main objective. So-called Left-wing extremism is also an expression of the petty bourgeoisie and the lumpen elements in society. It only leads to anarchy, needless loss of militant cadres and death of innocents as collateral damages. On the other hand the repeated statements by spokesmen of the ruling circles that Left wing extremism is the greatest threat to India provides a cover for stepping up fascistic repressive measures, including the use of the armed police and the Army for exterminating the militant Left from Indian politics.
9.5 The Party will strive to utilize parliamentary democracy to bring about the required changes in order to carry forward and complete the tasks of the democratic revolution, and move forward for its revolutionary transformation to the next stage. By developing a powerful mass revolutionary movement and broadening unity of all left and democratic forces, and by winning a stable majority in Parliament backed by such mass movements, the working class and its allies will strive their utmost to overcome the resistance of the forces of reaction and transform the parliament into a genuine instrument of the people's will for effecting fundamental transformations in society.
9.6 The limitations of parliamentary democracy that exist today arise from the class rule of the bourgeoisie. Parliament today has become a - 'crorepeti's club'. More than 60% of the members are crorepatis and with capitalist development this number will go up further. The use of money power and muscle power has become so common that it is extremely difficult for the real representatives of the common people, the poor, to get elected. Hence the need for basic electoral reforms which will change the composition and the character of Parliament. The Party advocates the system of proportional representation to replace the 'First Past The Post' system which prevails today, where money power and muscle power rule the roost, and parties with minority of votes manage to get majority of seats and win power. The provisions for reservations along with right to recall will have to be incorporated within the proportional representation system.
9.7 It is the right reactionary and monopoly bourgeois sections who when faced with fierce mass movements are attacking the existing democratic liberties and undermining parliamentary democracy both from within and without. They look at parliament as an instrument to advance their narrow class interests. The Party on the contrary defends the parliamentary and democratic institutions and strives to develop them further to make democracy full and real for all. In the struggle for completing the tasks of the democratic revolution and advancing democracy it will be necessary to fight the steel frame of the bureaucracy bequeathed by the British and further developed manifold by the governments since independence. It acts as a big break on the initiative of the democratic masses, their self rule and actual participation in administration, with its omnipresent authority, its red-tape, its interference at every step and so forth. For real democracy to be strengthened and to flourish, popular initiative has to be unleashed. Bureaucratic delay only causes harassment and frustration among common people and breeds corruption. The struggle against corruption and for a Citizen's Charter, and an effective Grievances Redressal machinery is a must. Given united working class and popular front or other workable forms of agreement and political cooperation between the different parties and public organisations there exists the opportunity- to win a majority in Parliament and undertake radical legislations and ensure the transfer of the basic means of production to the hands of the people. The working class and its allies together can defeat the reactionary anti-people forces, and through its majority in parliament transform parliament from an instrument of serving the class interests of the bourgeoisie into an instrument serving the working people, coupled with launching an extra-parliamentary mass struggles.
9.8 The transition period from the democratic to the socialist stage may take time. During this period India may have to go through a number of political formations and combinations in course of which forces of reaction will be marginalized and the forces of democracy and socialism, the left and democratic forces will emerge more and more powerful. It will ultimately result in the leadership of the bourgeoisie getting replaced by the leadership of the working class and its broad democratic allies. This is not an evolutionary process but of revolutionary transformation through sustained mass struggles and political actions.
9.9 Parties and Politics: The two main bourgeois parties are the Congress and the BJP. They differ in certain matters, the one with its allies is in the seat of power, while the other with its allies sits in the opposition. However on basic economic, political, foreign and internal policies both reflect the interests of the big bourgeoisie and monopolist sections. Their attempt is to impose a two party system in the country. This is a typical bourgeois method of channelising popular discontent and keeping it trapped within the confines of the bourgeois system. However this is difficult in India because of its diversities and pluralities, and the ripeness of the situation for change.
At the present time a party that claims to have no specific ideology and is not burdened with any, is actually a purveyor of bourgeois ideology. It is necessary however for the Party to look not into the words and declarations but into their actual deeds and their response to any situation.
Some of the other parties are caste or region based, built around individual and leading groups, but with significant mass followings in certain regions. Not having clear cut ideology and programme of their own, they generally share a bourgeois or petty bourgeois outlook. Attempts are also being made by the ruling class to divert the people's movement and mass discontent into so-called non-political channels or even reactionary channels through some NGOs financed from abroad by pro-imperialist sources. There are of course some other NGOs which boldly dare to join and help the people's movements on some specific issues. Not having a definite political outlook, these regional parties are willing to join hands with the communists if the situation so demands. Most of them cannot be branded as reactionary or communal except that for sharing power some of them may opportunistically align with either of the two main bourgeois parties, from time to time. Apart from all these parties are the Communist and 'Left parties who are based on the working people in town and countryside and stand for a socialist future.
9.10 Political Parties represent and voice the interests of different classes, and different communities and groups of people. In the course of . completing the tasks of the new democratic revolution and its subsequent transition to the socialist stage it is unlikely that they will disappear from the political scene. They will continue to act and react competing for people's support. Therefore during this entire period there will have to be a system of Multi-Party Democracy. The Party has a positive approach towards this.
9.11 Regional Parties have acquired an important role in India's political scenario. They represent and voice the urges and demands of vital sections of the people in the particular state/region. They also articulate the urge for empowerment of the people of that region. Their rise has partly to be attributed to the failure of the main national parties in voicing and fulfilling the legitimate urges and demands of various sections of the people and regions.
The CPI should closely watch the developments among these regional parties and have a positive attitude towards those who are breaking away from the two main bourgeois parties. It should also watch and influence their approach towards economic policies.
With the large mass of OBCs, dalits and tribals being drawn into politics, and into the vortex of the political struggle for empowerment, regional parties basing themselves on large regional caste groupings have also come up. These parties have one or two numerically powerful castes at the core, and are able to rally round them other scattered castes. The minorities in some states who have felt neglected and only used so far by the major bourgeois parties, have also rallied behind them in some states and regions.
The CPI should reach out to the sections behind them, and eventually draw them towards Left Democratic Front. This does not preclude criticism of any specific failure or misdeed wherever these caste-based parties are in power. The masses behind the regional parties can be drawn towards the Party through class and mass struggles, along with struggle for social justice and upliftment. We should at the same time take precaution to see that our ranks and cadres are not infected by caste-based policies of these parties. For this the class consciousness and ideological level of our ranks have to be raised.
Association with the Communists and the Left parties in Joint Actions and struggles on people's issues will bring about changes in the thinking and outlook of these regional and broadly secular parties and groups, strengthening their progressive and democratic outlook, making them partners in fulfilling the tasks of the new democratic revolution and the subsequent transition period. This calls for constant interaction with them and sharing the generalized experience of each phase of the movement. Those who fail to do so will drop by the wayside.
9.12 The Party will strive for a peaceful path of revolutionary transformation. It will explore all the possibilities of such a path. This also depends on the ruling bourgeois circles which increasingly tend to use more and more repressive measures, including use of force and violence to put down the actions and struggles of the people and hold on to power. Therefore it is necessary for the revolutionary forces to so orient themselves and their work that they can face up to all contingencies, to any twists and turns in the political life of the country, and be able to counter all the moves of the bourgeois ruling circles. In the event of the exploiting classes resorting to force and violence against the people, the other possibility has to be borne in mind. The actual possibility of the one or the other way of transition to socialism depends on the concrete historical conditions. Old dogmatic ideas or subjective thinking will not help in the given situation today. The concrete conditions existing at the time will have to be taken into account for assessing the actual possibility and deciding the course of action.
9.1 Life has shown that capitalism is incapable of solving the problems of poverty, unemployment and deprivation. Its rule has only led to wide economic inequalities among people. With the bourgeois ruling clique's compromise with feudal and semi-feudal elements and its growing collaboration with imperialist powers it is incapable of carrying out the tasks for taking ahead the democratic revolution. There has to be a different class combination to lead the country towards completing the democratic revolution and preparing the transition to socialism. This democratic revolution has to be anti-feudal, anti-imperialist and anti-monopolist. The classes and sections of people that are in action for carrying out these tasks of the democratic revolution whether spontaneously or consciously are the working class, the rural proletariat, the working peasantry, the progressive democratic and secular intelligentsia and the revolutionary sections of the middle class. Rallying around a firm worker-peasant alliance, they can lead the country during the period of advancing the democratic revolution by replacing the big bourgeoisie from the leadership. It will be a type of new democratic revolution, not the old type of bourgeois democratic revolution.
9.2 By fighting imperialist machinations and attempts at imposing neo-colonial dictates through international financial and trade agencies dominated by U.S. imperialism, it will complete the national democratic tasks. Likewise, by fighting and eliminating the monopolist big bourgeoisie, it goes through the people's democratic tasks of the revolution.
9.3 Capitalism with its contradictions, crisis and its incompetence to solve the basic problems of the common people, whether globally or in India is not permanent, stable, and the 'end of history', but only one phase in the history of humanity. Like its predecessor the colonial-feudal phase, it will be superceded by another kind of society vlz. the socialist phase. This is the march of progress. The completion of the tasks of the democratic revolution in India will not be a permanent halting stage. Between this and the advance towards socialism will be the period of the revolutionary transformation from the one to the other. How long this period will be cannot be predicted or envisaged now. There is nothing like a manual of strategic and tactical decisions that will determine this. It is only political actions and mass movements based on the situation inside various regions and in the country, that will decide what is necessary and possible at any time. Politics has to be subordinated to the historical development, viz; the growing mass actions against bourgeoisie policies. It is not as if we have to 'introduce' socialism, as a sort of utopia but to coordinate the growing spontaneous as well as organised mass movements and lead them towards a mass upsurge in the country. In this the global context will be an important factor to be taken into account. This is possible only when led by the Party and similar other forces who move into action with the revolutionary ideology of scientific socialism as their goal. Broad Political action and democratic mass movements are the keys. It has been seen that real politics begins when millions are on the streets. This has been amply and forcefully demonstrated in recent days in various countries, as well as in India.
There were extremely powerful and unprecedented mass upsurge against autocracy and oppressive dictatorial regimes in Arab countries which brought determined millions on the streets. They showed great promise and won success at the first stage. But they could not succeed in taking the country towards democracy and social progress in the absence of a leading centre having a definite programme of social transformation with the result that they were ultimately taken over by all brands of fundamentalist forces. However once the people have realized the force of their mass action they cannot be kept down for long. The 'Occupy Wall Street' Movement with avowed and strident 'anti-capitalism' slogans mobilized thousands of youths in the very citadels of finance capital for several weeks. It is a fight of the 99% vs. the 1 %, as claimed by the participants. But the Movement has been more or less stagnating for the reason that there is no clear idea what alternate system to fight for. However the movement has withstood repression and all hostile propaganda and divisive tactics to defame and destroy it. The genie is out of the bottle. It cannot be forced back. The policy represented by Dalal Street (the headquarter of India's finance capital and Stock Exchange in Mumbai), is identical to the policies followed at the Wall Street in New York. Bank employees in India are planning to launch a similar movement here.
9.4 The capitalist path of development has reached a dead end. There is no future for India along this path. The only other path open to it is the path of workers' and peoples' struggles for progress and social justice. The path of workers' and peoples' struggles, the path of the socialism.
All sections of working people, working class, the peasantry, the rural proletariat, urban middle class, the women's movement, the youth and student movement have all to be drawn into the fighting alliance. The ideological struggle is of vital importance against all opportunist and sectarian dogmatic trends and all anti-scientific theories. For this the broadest possible democratic unity needs to be built.
9.4 At this stage it is necessary also to guard against petty bourgeois revolution ism hijacking the mass actions and distracting them from their main objective. So-called Left-wing extremism is also an expression of the petty bourgeoisie and the lumpen elements in society. It only leads to anarchy, needless loss of militant cadres and death of innocents as collateral damages. On the other hand the repeated statements by spokesmen of the ruling circles that Left wing extremism is the greatest threat to India provides a cover for stepping up fascistic repressive measures, including the use of the armed police and the Army for exterminating the militant Left from Indian politics.
9.5 The Party will strive to utilize parliamentary democracy to bring about the required changes in order to carry forward and complete the tasks of the democratic revolution, and move forward for its revolutionary transformation to the next stage. By developing a powerful mass revolutionary movement and broadening unity of all left and democratic forces, and by winning a stable majority in Parliament backed by such mass movements, the working class and its allies will strive their utmost to overcome the resistance of the forces of reaction and transform the parliament into a genuine instrument of the people's will for effecting fundamental transformations in society.
9.6 The limitations of parliamentary democracy that exist today arise from the class rule of the bourgeoisie. Parliament today has become a - 'crorepeti's club'. More than 60% of the members are crorepatis and with capitalist development this number will go up further. The use of money power and muscle power has become so common that it is extremely difficult for the real representatives of the common people, the poor, to get elected. Hence the need for basic electoral reforms which will change the composition and the character of Parliament. The Party advocates the system of proportional representation to replace the 'First Past The Post' system which prevails today, where money power and muscle power rule the roost, and parties with minority of votes manage to get majority of seats and win power. The provisions for reservations along with right to recall will have to be incorporated within the proportional representation system.
9.7 It is the right reactionary and monopoly bourgeois sections who when faced with fierce mass movements are attacking the existing democratic liberties and undermining parliamentary democracy both from within and without. They look at parliament as an instrument to advance their narrow class interests. The Party on the contrary defends the parliamentary and democratic institutions and strives to develop them further to make democracy full and real for all. In the struggle for completing the tasks of the democratic revolution and advancing democracy it will be necessary to fight the steel frame of the bureaucracy bequeathed by the British and further developed manifold by the governments since independence. It acts as a big break on the initiative of the democratic masses, their self rule and actual participation in administration, with its omnipresent authority, its red-tape, its interference at every step and so forth. For real democracy to be strengthened and to flourish, popular initiative has to be unleashed. Bureaucratic delay only causes harassment and frustration among common people and breeds corruption. The struggle against corruption and for a Citizen's Charter, and an effective Grievances Redressal machinery is a must. Given united working class and popular front or other workable forms of agreement and political cooperation between the different parties and public organisations there exists the opportunity- to win a majority in Parliament and undertake radical legislations and ensure the transfer of the basic means of production to the hands of the people. The working class and its allies together can defeat the reactionary anti-people forces, and through its majority in parliament transform parliament from an instrument of serving the class interests of the bourgeoisie into an instrument serving the working people, coupled with launching an extra-parliamentary mass struggles.
9.8 The transition period from the democratic to the socialist stage may take time. During this period India may have to go through a number of political formations and combinations in course of which forces of reaction will be marginalized and the forces of democracy and socialism, the left and democratic forces will emerge more and more powerful. It will ultimately result in the leadership of the bourgeoisie getting replaced by the leadership of the working class and its broad democratic allies. This is not an evolutionary process but of revolutionary transformation through sustained mass struggles and political actions.
9.9 Parties and Politics: The two main bourgeois parties are the Congress and the BJP. They differ in certain matters, the one with its allies is in the seat of power, while the other with its allies sits in the opposition. However on basic economic, political, foreign and internal policies both reflect the interests of the big bourgeoisie and monopolist sections. Their attempt is to impose a two party system in the country. This is a typical bourgeois method of channelising popular discontent and keeping it trapped within the confines of the bourgeois system. However this is difficult in India because of its diversities and pluralities, and the ripeness of the situation for change.
At the present time a party that claims to have no specific ideology and is not burdened with any, is actually a purveyor of bourgeois ideology. It is necessary however for the Party to look not into the words and declarations but into their actual deeds and their response to any situation.
Some of the other parties are caste or region based, built around individual and leading groups, but with significant mass followings in certain regions. Not having clear cut ideology and programme of their own, they generally share a bourgeois or petty bourgeois outlook. Attempts are also being made by the ruling class to divert the people's movement and mass discontent into so-called non-political channels or even reactionary channels through some NGOs financed from abroad by pro-imperialist sources. There are of course some other NGOs which boldly dare to join and help the people's movements on some specific issues. Not having a definite political outlook, these regional parties are willing to join hands with the communists if the situation so demands. Most of them cannot be branded as reactionary or communal except that for sharing power some of them may opportunistically align with either of the two main bourgeois parties, from time to time. Apart from all these parties are the Communist and 'Left parties who are based on the working people in town and countryside and stand for a socialist future.
9.10 Political Parties represent and voice the interests of different classes, and different communities and groups of people. In the course of . completing the tasks of the new democratic revolution and its subsequent transition to the socialist stage it is unlikely that they will disappear from the political scene. They will continue to act and react competing for people's support. Therefore during this entire period there will have to be a system of Multi-Party Democracy. The Party has a positive approach towards this.
9.11 Regional Parties have acquired an important role in India's political scenario. They represent and voice the urges and demands of vital sections of the people in the particular state/region. They also articulate the urge for empowerment of the people of that region. Their rise has partly to be attributed to the failure of the main national parties in voicing and fulfilling the legitimate urges and demands of various sections of the people and regions.
The CPI should closely watch the developments among these regional parties and have a positive attitude towards those who are breaking away from the two main bourgeois parties. It should also watch and influence their approach towards economic policies.
With the large mass of OBCs, dalits and tribals being drawn into politics, and into the vortex of the political struggle for empowerment, regional parties basing themselves on large regional caste groupings have also come up. These parties have one or two numerically powerful castes at the core, and are able to rally round them other scattered castes. The minorities in some states who have felt neglected and only used so far by the major bourgeois parties, have also rallied behind them in some states and regions.
The CPI should reach out to the sections behind them, and eventually draw them towards Left Democratic Front. This does not preclude criticism of any specific failure or misdeed wherever these caste-based parties are in power. The masses behind the regional parties can be drawn towards the Party through class and mass struggles, along with struggle for social justice and upliftment. We should at the same time take precaution to see that our ranks and cadres are not infected by caste-based policies of these parties. For this the class consciousness and ideological level of our ranks have to be raised.
Association with the Communists and the Left parties in Joint Actions and struggles on people's issues will bring about changes in the thinking and outlook of these regional and broadly secular parties and groups, strengthening their progressive and democratic outlook, making them partners in fulfilling the tasks of the new democratic revolution and the subsequent transition period. This calls for constant interaction with them and sharing the generalized experience of each phase of the movement. Those who fail to do so will drop by the wayside.
9.12 The Party will strive for a peaceful path of revolutionary transformation. It will explore all the possibilities of such a path. This also depends on the ruling bourgeois circles which increasingly tend to use more and more repressive measures, including use of force and violence to put down the actions and struggles of the people and hold on to power. Therefore it is necessary for the revolutionary forces to so orient themselves and their work that they can face up to all contingencies, to any twists and turns in the political life of the country, and be able to counter all the moves of the bourgeois ruling circles. In the event of the exploiting classes resorting to force and violence against the people, the other possibility has to be borne in mind. The actual possibility of the one or the other way of transition to socialism depends on the concrete historical conditions. Old dogmatic ideas or subjective thinking will not help in the given situation today. The concrete conditions existing at the time will have to be taken into account for assessing the actual possibility and deciding the course of action.
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