The State in India
7.1 The state in India in the organ of the class rule of the bourgeoisie headed by corporate big business and monopolies. This Class rule has strong links with the semi-feudal and capitalist landlords. This determines the economic and political policy of the government. It directs the capitalist development in agriculture. Operating within the World Capitalist System it develops links with international finance capital led by US and international financial institution like the World Bank and IMF. In the matter of international trade it works with the WTO regime, though national interests have driven it in many cases to develop bi-Iateral and regional trade agreements.
7.2 The Constitution of the Republic of India adopted in 1950 provides for a parliamentary democracy based on universal adult franchise. The Constitution provides for certain Fundamental Rights for the people and Directive Principles for the state. However to subserve the interests of the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes many of these rights are often misinterpreted, distorted and even violated by the authorities of the state. Even with these limitations the existence of these rights in the Constitution can be made the platform and instrument for the struggle of the peoples as is often done for defending their democratic and civil rights. India's present parliamentary democracy has enabled the people to a certain extent to fight the distortion and autocratic nature of the bourgeois class rule. There is however always pressure from the main anti-democratic and exploiting class forces in the country to curb the democratic and civil rights of the people, and to limit parliament functioning and powers.
7.3 Despite the attacks and discriminatory practices against the Left Democratic and Progressive forces, the emergence of non-congress governments in the states and in particular, Left Democratic and Left Front Governments shows the possibilities that are inherent in the Constitution itself and in the Parliamentary democratic system. Under such conditions there is the constant need for extra-parliamentary struggles to defend democracy, and Parliament itself.
7.4 The path of capitalist development pursued has more and more strengthened the top monopoly groups some of whom have now grown into corporate houses with their specific brands. These sections and the big bourgeoisie as a whole wield power even over the budget and in deciding other economic measures. Laws and policies are shaped in their particular group interest. A nexus has developed between them, the higher echelons of the bureaucracy and sections of the ruling class. Crony capitalism has grown out of this nexus. The influence of foreign monopoly interest is also felt in this development. They support and demand measures that facilitate the entry of foreign capital in the country. The corporate-driven neo-liberal economic policies are expressed in the form of a drive for liberalization, privatization and globalisation. The growing control of corporate houses and big business over the media enables them to conduct virulent campaign against the progressive democratic and socialist forces both at home and abroad, and to propagate the virtues of liberalization, privatization and globalisation, and the inevitability of capitalism. It propagates about the 'TINA' factor, (That There Is No Alternative), though life every day proves the contrary.
7.5 Elections in India take place on the basis of universal adult franchise. There is the Election Commission charged with the responsibility of holding free and fair election. But elections under the capitalist regime, howsoever free they may be, are intrinsically loaded against the toiling masses, firstly because, the press and other means of propaganda are controlled by Big Money and, secondly because "money power" and "muscle power" are being unreservedly used. The Election Commission of India is a powerful statutory institution and has been doing everything in its power to ensure a free and fair election. But under the prevailing system it is helpless against the power of Big Money.
The latest case of the 2009 election to the 15th Lok Sabha is illustrative of this. Out of the 543 members elected to the Lok Sabha, as many as 306 are "crorepatis". Of these 141 belong to the Congress and 58 to the BJP showing that both the mainstream bourgeois parties have the same composition. As a result the UPA-II Cabinet has 64 Ministers accounting for total personal assets of Rs.500 crore. With each passing day, these assets continue to grow and multiply. One can hardly expect such a Legislative body and Executive to be in resonance with the needs and aspirations of the working people. With each day elections at every level are becoming prohibitively expensive, quite apart from other handicaps and prohibitions from which the poor suffer. The working people and political parties who are based on them find it increasingly difficult to contest elections. What is needed is radical electoral reforms which can serve to counter the influence of money power and muscle power. If nevertheless some legislations and decisions which are of some benefit to the common people do take place it is to be attributed to the mass struggles of different sections, and the compulsion on the part of the bourgeois government to yield to and contain the growing popular discontent, in the overall interests of the bourgeoisie.
7.6 A major problem which India had to face on attaining national independence was the refashioning of the state structure in a manner which would ensure better opportunities for economic and political participation of the people in the administration of the different states. Under British Rule the erstwhile provinces joined together many regions whose population spoke different languages and had different cultures. They were products of the conquest by the British Rulers as it went on subjugating the whole country. It was also a part of the deliberate policy of the colonial power to keep the people in the provinces divided and alienated from the administration. Further, the imperialist rulers had divided India into princely states and arbitrarily carved out portions in order to prevent India growing into a united and democratic republic. Actually, there were large units distinguished by their well-defined territories, developed languages, history and cultural features. Thus arose the demand for reorganizing the states on a linguistic basis. This was a democratic demand and the Communist Party played a significant role in the struggle for reorganizing the state on the basis of languages. This helped to bring the state administration closer to the common people, who could access it in their own language. Unfortunately due to uneven development under the capitalist system and the different histories of some regions which had come together in the same state, problems remained about emotional integration and uniform and just treatment to all the regions on issues of employment opportunities and common development in all spheres. These unsolved problems in course of time have led to tensions within the states and became the genesis of splitting the linguistically united states though the different regions speak the same language.
7.7 Although the state structure in India is a federal one with each state having its own elected assembly, government etc. and there are specific central and state lists, together with a concurrent list for exercising jurisdiction and power, real power and authority is increasingly concentrated in the Central government. The constituent states of the Indian Union enjoy limited autonomy and power which has been greatly eroded over the years, mainly because financial resources are mostly in the hands of the Centre. The states though responsible for development activities have meager resources, which restricts their rapid economic and cultural growth. Under the cover of concurrent list the Centre adopts many laws and decisions which have an overall jurisdiction over the state laws. Law and Order is a state subject. However on the ground of combating internal disturbances the Centre takes a number of decisions and legislative measures which in effect undermines the authority of the states. Bourgeois parties ruling at the Centre discriminate against the governments run by other parties. In such a situation contradictions and conflicts between the Central government and the states get accentuated. The big bourgeoisie in its narrow class interest aspires for a unitary state undermining the federal character of the Indian Union. Reactionary circles rather than seeking a democratic solution generally tend to aggravate the central-states conflicts.
7.8 This development has given rise to big sections of the regional bourgeoisie and landlord elements in some states, to capitalize on real and imaginary grievances about neglect and discrimination. Certain reactionary and anti-people sections try to utilize this for fomenting regionalism and regional animosity. 'But democratic forces have to take note of regional demands and adopt a sober and positive approach for solving them, while rebuffing the reactionary sections.
7.9 One of the biggest danger to the country's unity and integrity is the growth of communalism. Communalism has social, political and economic dimensions but it is the outcome of communal ideology and practice of communal politics for serving political ends. It is fuelled by religious fundamentalism, which gives many issues a communal colour. Communalism is the handmaid of reaction and tears the secular fabric of the country's polity. There is a link between communalism and reactionary political, economic and social policy. Gujarat genocide in 2002 against the Muslim minority exposed the ugly face of communal agenda practiced by the Sangh Parivar. It creates a deep rift between the Hindu majority and the Musilim and Christian minorities in the country. Sometimes they keep it muted for tactical reasons. The call for a Hindu Rashtra is the ideological offensive of Hindu communalism. Hinduism and the Hindutva are two entirely different concepts. Hinduism is a religion which the vast majority of our people follow-while Hindutva is politics in the name of religion. It is the politics of a group, a party. The rise of Hindu communalism in certain sections has given rise to Muslim fundamentalism in some sections. The one fuels the other and both tear the fabric of secularism in the country. Both have to be countered and secular democratic polity has to be defended so as to protect India's unity and national integrity. The overwhelming majority of our people are however secular-minded. That is the biggest guarantee of India's unity. A political, ideological, cultural and social battle has to be conducted by the Party against all forms of communalism. The use of religion to fan communalism by reactionary forces is highly disruptive of national unity and integrity. The need for communal harmony is a prime necessity. Secularism is thus born out of India's specific need. It is not an expedient to be used only on certain occasions. Consistent secularism implies the separation of religion from politics, and from the state. The CPI has to propagate this.
7.10 A major source of terrorism in India is religious fundamentalism spreading communal hatred and fomenting the desire of some groups to take revenge against the other. It would be wrong to ascribe terrorism to anyone community alone, as recent events have shown. The socalled war on global terrorism led by the US and the talk of a 'clash of civilization' has only led to the spread of "Islamophobia" in some countries. Instead of ending terrorism it has only fanned further communal violence and terrorism. They have to be firmly combated.
7.11 An administrative" system based on a highly centralized bureaucracy contributes to concentration of power at the top and its exercise through privileged bureaucrats who are divorced from the masses and generally serve the interests of the exploiting classes. The introduction of the Panchayati Raj system in the country has helped to some extent to counter this bureaucratic centralization and also helped the masses including women and the deprived sections for limited self rule in local affairs. These local organs of self-government are a step towards taking democratic consciousness to the grass root level. They can become arenas of struggle between the vested interests in the countryside and the exploited rural masses. The Left and democratic forces have to utilize them to the utmost to spread consciousness among peasants, agricultural labour, dallts, adivasis, backward sections and women.
7.12 The social reality In India Is the existence of both, classes and castes. Even the unity of the working class and the toiling peasantry is difficult to sustain by ignoring their caste differences. Caste has always been a powerful potential and actual weapon in keeping the people divided and weak in face of any challenge. The economically exploited classes in town and countryside are generally at the same time the most socially oppressed and politically discriminated castes. The most heinous is the practice of untouchability against the dalits which though banned still exists in large areas. The exploiting classes try to exploit these caste differences in order to break the unity of the exploited whenever the class struggle gets intensified.
7.13 Such is the pernicious effect of caste divisions and caste hierarchy in Hindu society that they have affected even the Muslims and Christians. It has to be remembered that a good number among them are converts from the lower castes in Hindu society. So also are the neo Buddhists. Therefore in the course of forging the class unity of the toiling masses and developing the class-struggle against the exploiters it is necessary to firmly oppose all forms of caste discrimination and hostility, to fight against any and every manifestation of atrocity and injustice perpetrated against the Dalits and other backward castes.
7.14 The Party must not and cannot afford to ignore the caste question while fighting for democracy and socialism. It is necessary to carry on a consistent ideological, political, socio-economic and practical struggle against castes and casteism. They have to be combined, together with affirmative actions to bring up from the lower depths the hitherto oppressed, deprived and backward sections on par with the rest of society. There is a dialectical connection between such struggles and the struggle for the eventual annihilation of castes and the elimination of the caste system. So deep-rooted is the system of castes and the hierarchy of castes in people's minds, that it will necessarily be a long struggle. Reservation in education and jobs is needed for this purpose. Reservation must not be confined to dalits only among Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs, but must be given to dalits among Muslims and Christians. Otherwise it will be discrimination on the basis of religion. It has also to be extended to the economically backward sections among the so-called forward castes. Reservation must also cover the private sector especially when public sector undertakings are getting increasingly privatized.
7.15 India is a multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country. Because of these complexities, the Indian people have multiple identities. Some NGOs and parties exaggerate these identities, and play 'identity politics', so as to undermine class divisions and the importance of class struggles. It has to be stressed that while class struggle, the struggle between the exploited classes and the classes of exploiters is the main driving force in social revolution, the caste, ethnic, linguistic and other identities have also to be suitably factored in for bringing about real social transformation. They cannot be ignored. The Party stands for a classless and casteless society which only a mature and advanced socialist society can ensure. It has to struggle and fight for such a revolutionary transformation.
7.1 The state in India in the organ of the class rule of the bourgeoisie headed by corporate big business and monopolies. This Class rule has strong links with the semi-feudal and capitalist landlords. This determines the economic and political policy of the government. It directs the capitalist development in agriculture. Operating within the World Capitalist System it develops links with international finance capital led by US and international financial institution like the World Bank and IMF. In the matter of international trade it works with the WTO regime, though national interests have driven it in many cases to develop bi-Iateral and regional trade agreements.
7.2 The Constitution of the Republic of India adopted in 1950 provides for a parliamentary democracy based on universal adult franchise. The Constitution provides for certain Fundamental Rights for the people and Directive Principles for the state. However to subserve the interests of the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes many of these rights are often misinterpreted, distorted and even violated by the authorities of the state. Even with these limitations the existence of these rights in the Constitution can be made the platform and instrument for the struggle of the peoples as is often done for defending their democratic and civil rights. India's present parliamentary democracy has enabled the people to a certain extent to fight the distortion and autocratic nature of the bourgeois class rule. There is however always pressure from the main anti-democratic and exploiting class forces in the country to curb the democratic and civil rights of the people, and to limit parliament functioning and powers.
7.3 Despite the attacks and discriminatory practices against the Left Democratic and Progressive forces, the emergence of non-congress governments in the states and in particular, Left Democratic and Left Front Governments shows the possibilities that are inherent in the Constitution itself and in the Parliamentary democratic system. Under such conditions there is the constant need for extra-parliamentary struggles to defend democracy, and Parliament itself.
7.4 The path of capitalist development pursued has more and more strengthened the top monopoly groups some of whom have now grown into corporate houses with their specific brands. These sections and the big bourgeoisie as a whole wield power even over the budget and in deciding other economic measures. Laws and policies are shaped in their particular group interest. A nexus has developed between them, the higher echelons of the bureaucracy and sections of the ruling class. Crony capitalism has grown out of this nexus. The influence of foreign monopoly interest is also felt in this development. They support and demand measures that facilitate the entry of foreign capital in the country. The corporate-driven neo-liberal economic policies are expressed in the form of a drive for liberalization, privatization and globalisation. The growing control of corporate houses and big business over the media enables them to conduct virulent campaign against the progressive democratic and socialist forces both at home and abroad, and to propagate the virtues of liberalization, privatization and globalisation, and the inevitability of capitalism. It propagates about the 'TINA' factor, (That There Is No Alternative), though life every day proves the contrary.
7.5 Elections in India take place on the basis of universal adult franchise. There is the Election Commission charged with the responsibility of holding free and fair election. But elections under the capitalist regime, howsoever free they may be, are intrinsically loaded against the toiling masses, firstly because, the press and other means of propaganda are controlled by Big Money and, secondly because "money power" and "muscle power" are being unreservedly used. The Election Commission of India is a powerful statutory institution and has been doing everything in its power to ensure a free and fair election. But under the prevailing system it is helpless against the power of Big Money.
The latest case of the 2009 election to the 15th Lok Sabha is illustrative of this. Out of the 543 members elected to the Lok Sabha, as many as 306 are "crorepatis". Of these 141 belong to the Congress and 58 to the BJP showing that both the mainstream bourgeois parties have the same composition. As a result the UPA-II Cabinet has 64 Ministers accounting for total personal assets of Rs.500 crore. With each passing day, these assets continue to grow and multiply. One can hardly expect such a Legislative body and Executive to be in resonance with the needs and aspirations of the working people. With each day elections at every level are becoming prohibitively expensive, quite apart from other handicaps and prohibitions from which the poor suffer. The working people and political parties who are based on them find it increasingly difficult to contest elections. What is needed is radical electoral reforms which can serve to counter the influence of money power and muscle power. If nevertheless some legislations and decisions which are of some benefit to the common people do take place it is to be attributed to the mass struggles of different sections, and the compulsion on the part of the bourgeois government to yield to and contain the growing popular discontent, in the overall interests of the bourgeoisie.
7.6 A major problem which India had to face on attaining national independence was the refashioning of the state structure in a manner which would ensure better opportunities for economic and political participation of the people in the administration of the different states. Under British Rule the erstwhile provinces joined together many regions whose population spoke different languages and had different cultures. They were products of the conquest by the British Rulers as it went on subjugating the whole country. It was also a part of the deliberate policy of the colonial power to keep the people in the provinces divided and alienated from the administration. Further, the imperialist rulers had divided India into princely states and arbitrarily carved out portions in order to prevent India growing into a united and democratic republic. Actually, there were large units distinguished by their well-defined territories, developed languages, history and cultural features. Thus arose the demand for reorganizing the states on a linguistic basis. This was a democratic demand and the Communist Party played a significant role in the struggle for reorganizing the state on the basis of languages. This helped to bring the state administration closer to the common people, who could access it in their own language. Unfortunately due to uneven development under the capitalist system and the different histories of some regions which had come together in the same state, problems remained about emotional integration and uniform and just treatment to all the regions on issues of employment opportunities and common development in all spheres. These unsolved problems in course of time have led to tensions within the states and became the genesis of splitting the linguistically united states though the different regions speak the same language.
7.7 Although the state structure in India is a federal one with each state having its own elected assembly, government etc. and there are specific central and state lists, together with a concurrent list for exercising jurisdiction and power, real power and authority is increasingly concentrated in the Central government. The constituent states of the Indian Union enjoy limited autonomy and power which has been greatly eroded over the years, mainly because financial resources are mostly in the hands of the Centre. The states though responsible for development activities have meager resources, which restricts their rapid economic and cultural growth. Under the cover of concurrent list the Centre adopts many laws and decisions which have an overall jurisdiction over the state laws. Law and Order is a state subject. However on the ground of combating internal disturbances the Centre takes a number of decisions and legislative measures which in effect undermines the authority of the states. Bourgeois parties ruling at the Centre discriminate against the governments run by other parties. In such a situation contradictions and conflicts between the Central government and the states get accentuated. The big bourgeoisie in its narrow class interest aspires for a unitary state undermining the federal character of the Indian Union. Reactionary circles rather than seeking a democratic solution generally tend to aggravate the central-states conflicts.
7.8 This development has given rise to big sections of the regional bourgeoisie and landlord elements in some states, to capitalize on real and imaginary grievances about neglect and discrimination. Certain reactionary and anti-people sections try to utilize this for fomenting regionalism and regional animosity. 'But democratic forces have to take note of regional demands and adopt a sober and positive approach for solving them, while rebuffing the reactionary sections.
7.9 One of the biggest danger to the country's unity and integrity is the growth of communalism. Communalism has social, political and economic dimensions but it is the outcome of communal ideology and practice of communal politics for serving political ends. It is fuelled by religious fundamentalism, which gives many issues a communal colour. Communalism is the handmaid of reaction and tears the secular fabric of the country's polity. There is a link between communalism and reactionary political, economic and social policy. Gujarat genocide in 2002 against the Muslim minority exposed the ugly face of communal agenda practiced by the Sangh Parivar. It creates a deep rift between the Hindu majority and the Musilim and Christian minorities in the country. Sometimes they keep it muted for tactical reasons. The call for a Hindu Rashtra is the ideological offensive of Hindu communalism. Hinduism and the Hindutva are two entirely different concepts. Hinduism is a religion which the vast majority of our people follow-while Hindutva is politics in the name of religion. It is the politics of a group, a party. The rise of Hindu communalism in certain sections has given rise to Muslim fundamentalism in some sections. The one fuels the other and both tear the fabric of secularism in the country. Both have to be countered and secular democratic polity has to be defended so as to protect India's unity and national integrity. The overwhelming majority of our people are however secular-minded. That is the biggest guarantee of India's unity. A political, ideological, cultural and social battle has to be conducted by the Party against all forms of communalism. The use of religion to fan communalism by reactionary forces is highly disruptive of national unity and integrity. The need for communal harmony is a prime necessity. Secularism is thus born out of India's specific need. It is not an expedient to be used only on certain occasions. Consistent secularism implies the separation of religion from politics, and from the state. The CPI has to propagate this.
7.10 A major source of terrorism in India is religious fundamentalism spreading communal hatred and fomenting the desire of some groups to take revenge against the other. It would be wrong to ascribe terrorism to anyone community alone, as recent events have shown. The socalled war on global terrorism led by the US and the talk of a 'clash of civilization' has only led to the spread of "Islamophobia" in some countries. Instead of ending terrorism it has only fanned further communal violence and terrorism. They have to be firmly combated.
7.11 An administrative" system based on a highly centralized bureaucracy contributes to concentration of power at the top and its exercise through privileged bureaucrats who are divorced from the masses and generally serve the interests of the exploiting classes. The introduction of the Panchayati Raj system in the country has helped to some extent to counter this bureaucratic centralization and also helped the masses including women and the deprived sections for limited self rule in local affairs. These local organs of self-government are a step towards taking democratic consciousness to the grass root level. They can become arenas of struggle between the vested interests in the countryside and the exploited rural masses. The Left and democratic forces have to utilize them to the utmost to spread consciousness among peasants, agricultural labour, dallts, adivasis, backward sections and women.
7.12 The social reality In India Is the existence of both, classes and castes. Even the unity of the working class and the toiling peasantry is difficult to sustain by ignoring their caste differences. Caste has always been a powerful potential and actual weapon in keeping the people divided and weak in face of any challenge. The economically exploited classes in town and countryside are generally at the same time the most socially oppressed and politically discriminated castes. The most heinous is the practice of untouchability against the dalits which though banned still exists in large areas. The exploiting classes try to exploit these caste differences in order to break the unity of the exploited whenever the class struggle gets intensified.
7.13 Such is the pernicious effect of caste divisions and caste hierarchy in Hindu society that they have affected even the Muslims and Christians. It has to be remembered that a good number among them are converts from the lower castes in Hindu society. So also are the neo Buddhists. Therefore in the course of forging the class unity of the toiling masses and developing the class-struggle against the exploiters it is necessary to firmly oppose all forms of caste discrimination and hostility, to fight against any and every manifestation of atrocity and injustice perpetrated against the Dalits and other backward castes.
7.14 The Party must not and cannot afford to ignore the caste question while fighting for democracy and socialism. It is necessary to carry on a consistent ideological, political, socio-economic and practical struggle against castes and casteism. They have to be combined, together with affirmative actions to bring up from the lower depths the hitherto oppressed, deprived and backward sections on par with the rest of society. There is a dialectical connection between such struggles and the struggle for the eventual annihilation of castes and the elimination of the caste system. So deep-rooted is the system of castes and the hierarchy of castes in people's minds, that it will necessarily be a long struggle. Reservation in education and jobs is needed for this purpose. Reservation must not be confined to dalits only among Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs, but must be given to dalits among Muslims and Christians. Otherwise it will be discrimination on the basis of religion. It has also to be extended to the economically backward sections among the so-called forward castes. Reservation must also cover the private sector especially when public sector undertakings are getting increasingly privatized.
7.15 India is a multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country. Because of these complexities, the Indian people have multiple identities. Some NGOs and parties exaggerate these identities, and play 'identity politics', so as to undermine class divisions and the importance of class struggles. It has to be stressed that while class struggle, the struggle between the exploited classes and the classes of exploiters is the main driving force in social revolution, the caste, ethnic, linguistic and other identities have also to be suitably factored in for bringing about real social transformation. They cannot be ignored. The Party stands for a classless and casteless society which only a mature and advanced socialist society can ensure. It has to struggle and fight for such a revolutionary transformation.
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