Wednesday, November 05, 2014

Towards 22nd Party Congress

Reports on Organisational Re-activization & Political Re-Orientation

(Reports adopted by CPI National Council in its Special Session from September 19 to 21,2014 at Delhi)

COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA

Published by S. Sudhakar Reddy on behalf of Communist Party of India, Ajoy Bhavan, 15, Com. Indrajit Gupta Marg (Kotla Road), New Delhi- 110002.

Introduction

The result of the general elections to the Lok Sabha brought a change of government. Mr. Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister and the BJP heading the government is not just change of government. It is more than that, having deeper impact on the polity of the nation. RSS and its outfits have become aggressive, influencing the policies of the government and infiltrating into the state apparatus. The right wing demagogy is in full play to manipulate the public opinion while the government designs everything possible to serve the interests of the crony capitalism. At this critical time, the Left has become weak in Parliament. But history calls upon the Left to rejuvenate and take up the challenges. The CPI in particular has to play a role to shape the course of development, learning from the people and leading the people into struggles and campaigns. Where to begin? What is to be done? The National Council of the Party held its special session (September 19-21, 2014) and deliberated on how to re-energize the party organization, how to reorient it ideologically and politically and how to make it an effective tool of change in the days to come. The documents which have been adopted by the National Council, will serve as guide for action to the Party at all levels. At the time of holding the Party Conferences and the Party Congress, those deliberations will help the Party Organisation to emerge as a stronger evolutionary organization to serve the nation and the people.

Central Secretariat - CPI

Report on Recent Political - Economic Developments & Suggestions for Political Re-orientation Campaign (Adopted by the National Council Meeting at Delhi from September 19 to 21, 2014)

INTRODUCTION

This Special Session of the National Council of the Communist Party of India is being held as part of the preparation for 22nd Party Congress to be held in March-April 2015. Though the regular Draft Political Resolution and other documents to be deliberated in the party Congress will be prepared in due course, it has been thought appropriate that certain clarity is outlined for a political re-orientation of the party and rejuvenation and re-activisation of the Party Organization during the comprehensive process of holding the party Congress from branch to the national meet. Besides, the new NDA government led by Narendra Modi has completed first hundred days of its existence, hence its performance also need to be assessed.

RECENT POLITICAL-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS:-

Within the first hundred days, the Narendra Modi government has totally bared its agenda on almost all socio-economic fronts. By its acts and intents, it has made it clear that it will more vigorously implement the retrograde nee-liberal economic policies with an emphasis to accord maximum concessions to the corporate houses that helped it to win power. Contrary to the claims of revival of economy, the economic crisis that started with the global melt down in May 2008 is going to deepen further. Despite seasonal fluctuation in the prices, inflation, particularly the consumer inflation continues to be the main worry of the masses who have to face economic hardships due to continuous price rise. BJP that has made the failures of the UPA in curbing the price-rise and corruption main plank of its poll campaign has totally failed to take any steps to curb these menace. At the political level, the Sangh Parivar is intensifying its offensive for communal polarization.

ECONOMY

In place of taking concrete measures like re-amending the Essential Commodities Act to stop hoarding and banning forward trading in vegetables, food grains and other essential commodities attempts are on to pass on the buck on the state governments. There is no more any talk of wiping out corruption or unearthing the black money. Even the SIT on black money that the government claims to its credit has been formed on the instruction of Supreme Court. Government now refuses to disclose the names of those who have stashed away the black money in foreign accounts. Cases of corruption and moral decay involving BJP leaders and their kith and kin are coming to fore. In place of taking measures to recover the bank loans taken by the corporate and termed as non-performing assets (NPA) by banks, government is planning to create a mechanism to write-off all such loans. This will cause havoc to the economy of nationalized banks. Concessions after concessions are being heaped on Corporate as well as Multi-national Corporations (MNCs). While decisions like 49 percent FDI in Defence Sector and 100 per cent in Railway infrastructure have been taken to please MNCs, particularly the American ones. Corporate Houses have been given green signal to take over the national assets of Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs) through disinvestment. The cabinet committee on Economic affairs approved sale of 5% stake in ONGC, 10% in Coal India, 11.36% in NHPC to realize 43,800 crores of rupees. All profit making PSUs including the Navaratnas are under hammer in Stock Market. At a time when PDS needs to be strengthened in order to ensure right to food the government is taking about rewinding of FCI which will jeopardize food security. Prime Minister has announced abolition of Planning Commission that was instrumental in creating national assets through industrialization via public sector. This is a totally retrograde step. It will adversely affect economy, particularly the weaker sections. Even though there were weaknesses in Planning Commission it has done excellent job in industrialization of the country. It will be replaced with an institution that will have representatives of Corporate Houses and work for promotion of Public-Private Partnership (PPP), actually meaning total dismantling of Public sector and opening gates to free market. Moves are on to shower tax concessions on MNCs by abolishing certain levies and changing laws to stop recovery of dues retrospectively. Corporate are being encouraged to take over more and more national assets like coal, gas and oil at throwaway prices. Reliance and Ambani group are the most favorites. After the SC judgement in Coalgate scam terming all allotments since 1993 as illegal, the BJP government has launched a vicious campaign to stop cancellation of these allotments. A bogey is being raised that cancellation of such allotments may have adverse impact on economy particularly the power sector. Media has come out with the facts that it is not just the loss of Rs. 1.86 lakh crore caused by illegal allotments to cronies by successive governments of NDA and UPA, but these allottees have also taken huge bank loans on these allotments that have become NPA. Total loss is estimated to be above Rs. 7 lakh Crore. Moves are on to amend the Land Acquisition Act to satisfy the demands of Corporate houses which goes against the interests of the peasants in the country. As Land is a concurrent subject, the BJP is trying to do it through state governments. Rajasthan BJP government has already amended some of the crucial labour laws and during the last parliament session the Union government has followed the suit. These amendments are meant to empower the employers to implement the policy of hire and fire, weaken unionisation, make registration of unions difficult, encourage contractorisation, casualisation and outsourcing of labour force, allow more and more persons to be recruited as apprentices paying them much less than even minimum wages etc. The amendments to basic labour laws will push substantial size of workers out of the purview of labour laws and snatch away several hard won rights, as more than 50% of industries will be out of purview of factories acts. There is a plan to dilute the MGNREGA scheme by increasing the state share and reducing the wage component.

POLITICAL AND OTHER DEVELOPMENTS

By getting his most trusted lieutenant Amit Shah appointed as the BJP president, in spite that he is an accused in Sheikh Sohrabuddin- Prajapathi fake encounter case, Narendra Modi has made it abundantly clear that he does not only want concentration of government power in him but also wants to control and manipulate the party organization according to his whims and wishes. Amit Shah, 011 his part had clearly, indicated that his main political weapon will be all out offensive for more and more communal polarization in the country. His team, apart from marginalizing the veterans, reflect adoption of rabid communal elements from various outfits of Sangh Parivar and corrupt politicians like former Karnataka CM B.S. Yedyurappa. Under his leadership, already process of getting convicted criminals out ,on bail as well as bail to police personnel facing serious charges of conducting fake encounter has began. Muzaffarnagar riots main culprit has been provided Z plus security. Released police officers are being reappointed though cases are still pending against them.

Leaders of various Sangh Parivar outfits are every day making provocative and disruptive statements and launching campaign like opposing so-called Love Jihad to hasten the process of communal polarization. During the first hundred days of Modi government, over 700 communal riots and tensions have been witnessed, mostly in the poll bound states of Maharashtra, Haryana and UP (bye-poll to 11 assembly and a parliamentary constituencies). A new wave of harassing the Muslim Youth by implicating them in cooked up cases of terrorist plans has begun once again. The rise of ISIS and attempts of revival of AI-Qaida at international level is being used to unleash this offensive against educated Muslim youth.

Penetration of administration and educational and research institutions by die-hard Sanghis is on. Even judiciary is not being spared. The passage of the law for Judicial Appointment Commission ignoring all opposition may have serious repercussion on independence of Judiciary. Pro or anti-actions in relation to Amit Shah and other BJP leaders facing trial is becoming a criteria for appointment or removal in judiciary. As warned in our last N.C report all powers are being concentrated in the PMO and it seems that Narendra Modi is running a de-facto presidential form of government. The way his own ministers are being treated and monitored may have serious repercussions for the parliamentary democratic system itself. Though murmur has began, but still there are no signs of disillusionment with his leadership, as far as the Party and Sangh Parivar is concerned. Cases of attack and atrocities on women are increasing. Some political leaders including BJP State Ministers, in place of taking steps to curb such cases are making absurd statements justifying heinous crimes like rape. Disenchantment of masses is more visible. The rout faced by the BJP in the bye-elections in Uttarakhand, loosing majority of seats in bye-elections in Bihar and negative results in M.P. and Karnataka reflect the sentiment of disenchantment. The Results in Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat are more revealing. Out of 54 bye-poll BJP could retain only 20 of the 36 seats it held previously. People have shown more maturity and rejected communal over tones. Growing economic miseries due to failure of government in curbing price rise and its open and blatant appeasement of Corporate may accentuate the sentiments of disenchantment. This need to be channelized to build mass movements and actions on concrete issues. Congress continues to be in confusion and still hope to get revived through projecting one or the other member of Nehru -Gandhi family. Whatever victories Congress has gained are due to disenchantment with BJP and not restoration of confidence in policies of Congress. Its lukewarm response to several economic and political moves of the government, rather its collaboration on major economic policy issues will get its following further confused. Number of non-Congress and non-BJP parties are trying to curry favours with the Union Government for some populist benefit to their states. Basically, these parties are not averse to the policies of neo-liberalism. RJD-JDU and Congress have come together in Bihar that helped them to wrest six of the ten assembly seats that were at stake. They have announced to continue this alliance and also promote this idea in other states like UP.

The three Left parties - CPI, CPI(M) and CPI(ML) joined hands for the bye-poll in Bihar. CPI contested one seat and polled more than 20,000 votes in Jale constituency of Madhubani. On other seats where CPI(M) and CPI (M-L) put up candidates, the results were disappointing. On the whole Left polled 5% of the votes. Attempts are on in Maharashtra and Haryana where assembly elections are due by the next month to forge unity among the Left parties and also to have seat adjustment with other Left and secular democratic regional parties.

FOREIGN POLlCY

Though the government so far has concentrated on pursuing the much orchestrated concept of "Look towards the East" policy, from a few of the actions and pronouncements, the impact of American imperialists is quite visible on the foreign policy of the government.

The NDA government took the ridiculous position of neutrality on the barbaric and most inhuman attack of Israel on Gaza strip. It was a betrayal of our traditional policy of support to the struggle of Palestinian people. American top bureaucrats and politicians have become most frequent visitors to Delhi and exerting all types of pressure to extract maximum economic and political benefits under the garb of strategic partnership. The hesitation and secretive approach of the Prime Minister during the BRICS summit in Brazil too reflected this pressure. The bonhomie during the PM's Japan visit and Australian PM's visit to India too has to be seen in the context of American plan of floating an economic and security mechanism in Asia to curb the growing trend of cooperation among regional powers and emerging economies through platforms like BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). In relation to Pakistan and other neighbouring countries the attitude of flip-flop may be harmful in the long run. The cancellation of secretaries level talks with Pakistan was not a wise decision, to say the least. It seems that the Narendra Modi government is not much bothered about the independent foreign policy course that had the broad. national consensus.

INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENTS
The international situation is marred by increasing number of conflicts in different regions. Middle East is in turmoil, there seems to be no end to the growing conflict over Ukraine and several countries in African continent are on boil. It is obvious that the American imperialists and its allies have failed to overcome the economic crisis that started in 2008 and now the only hope for them is to revive their Military-Industrial Complex by promoting all sorts of regional conflicts among neighbours as well as within the countries. The rise of orthodoxically extremist and more brutally militant ISIS, yet another outfit like AI-Qaeda sponsored by the American intelligence agencies and MOSSAD of Israel has pushed almost all the Arab countries into turmoil. It has given a new twist of sectarian divide to the already racially and ethnically divided Arab countries and may have far reaching consequences in the countries with sizeable Muslim population. It is obvious that the Americans and Israelis are behind the rise of ISIS that was initially used and financed by the US cronies like Saudi Arabia and UAE to oust president Assad of Syria. It may turn out to be a bigger menace for peace and harmony all over the world. Nigeria and number of African countries are in the grip of growing internal conflicts. Here too religious fundamentalist forces like Boko Haram are causing havoc and the imperialists are adding fuel to the fire by siding one or the other variety of extremist forces. Ukraine where the trouble started because the imperialists through the countries of European Union manavoured the ouster of elected President of the country to install their stooge continues to be in turmoil. The Americans and the countries of EU are not ready to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the Ukrainian people of different region to have a government of their choice. Actually it is a battle for supremacy in the Black Sea region. The issue of Tamil speaking people in Sri Lanka continues to be point of agitation for people in India. Frequent arrest of fishermen also add fuel to the fire. In Pakistan, the religious fundamentalism and terrorism based on it is spreading its tentacles and in some parts of FATA and other tribal areas they have succeeded in floating parallel administration threatening the very unity and existence of Pakistan. The ongoing conflict among the political forces may destroy the gains of six years of democratic regime and threat of a military takeover is gaining ground. The situation in Afghanistan is also fragile. The NATO and American forces are scheduled to go away from Afghanistan by the year end. There is no sign of a stable regime that is necessary for political stability in the country. A stable and peaceful Afghanistan is the need of the region for promoting peace and cooperation in the entire Asian continent. The Presidential elections in Afghanistan have become controversial which may create further division among the people. Political forces in Nepal continue to struggle to finalise the constitution. The struggle against religious fundamentalism in Bangladesh has further sharpened.

POLITICAL RE-ORIENTATION CAMPAIGN

The National Council in its review report on the Parliamentary election has emphasized the need for introspection and analyzing deeply the emerging economic and political situation. It cannot be undertaken in isolation. We have to assess the impact of Neo-liberalism on various segment of our population. The ongoing fragmentation in traditional class structure leading to different economic and political perspectives within different fragmented segments is yet another aspect that needs to be studied. Besides, we have a total disconnect as for as the fast growing middle class and a segment of new elite class that is not part of the middle class in classical terms but has become a vocal force determining the political perspectives of various traditional classes. We need to understand the perspectives and aspirations of these segments of the population as well.

CRISIS IN THE LEFT

Left is facing crisis. The challenge before the Left is unprecedented. The process of stagnation and decline had begun earlier. But it was reflected vividly in the last general elections. The process has not halted. It continues unabated. The result in bye-elections in West Bengal confirms the grim reality. As such there is no enthusiasm and confidence in the party. Our bases are affected. It is a matter of serious concern. But we have to face the reality. The reasons are both political and organizational. There is a need for deep introspection and political review. The political battles are to be unleashed on basic issues of masses, reconnect with people, rouse political consciousness of masses, and improve the organised structure to be ready to face the any eventuality. The political and economic scenario with BJP swept to power with a massive majority pursuing the policies of total surrender to corporates, domestic and foreign, perpetuating its communal agenda is bound to generate contradiction between the policies, both economic and political with the interests of the broad section of the masses. In a capitalist system beset with inherent contradiction, new opportunities are sure to emerge for the left. Having this perspective let us prepare the party, educate the ranks and go to the people, seeking to learn. Let us activate the party, move into campaigns and develop mass actions on vital problems of the people, building broadest unity. The debacle in the past two parliamentary elections and the unseating of Left Front from power in West Bengal after 34 years of uninterrupted rule has a very demoralizing impact, not only on cadres but the Left supporting masses as well have got disillusioned. The repeated failures in projection of a country wide platform or a national alternative have caused much confusion among the left supporters. More and more politicalisation of the working class in particularls need of the hour. The Left, particularly the CPI has much better electoral response in the rural areas than the urban and urbanized areas habituated by the working class and employees. We must identify problems of middle class and organise struggles on these issues. All these factors including a very distorted evil of parliamentary deviation' has led to a situation where consistent struggle on the peoples' issues at the branch level are missing. The Political Resolution adopted at Patna Congress has noted it. It has also been noticed that response to the central and state calls are the only party activity in some areas. Not many campaigns and struggles have been conducted on local issues. To create party bases, focus should be on the result oriented local struggles (pp 38). In the absence of bases, the main political concern of the party becomes the possibility of winning a few assembly or a parliamentary seat and that too in alliance with this or that bourgeois political party. This concern get further distorted with the urge for projection of an alternative. In place of getting the Communist elected to assembly or parliament for synchronizing the struggles outside and inside the parliament, main political concern becomes to unseat a particular set of ruling parties or enthroning the others. Lack of zeal for organizing grass root movements and struggles on concrete issues faced by the people also lead to our very casual approach to the elections to local bodies and panchayati raj institutions. In most of the Hindi heartland and Western states, we never bother to prepare for these elections, though these are the institutions that could be used to expand and consolidate the party bases. Lack of activity at local level also hinders mass fund collection. Without bases created thus, it will be a futile exercise to seek reasonable seat sharing with others, particularly the regional parties. The Patna Congress Political Resolution has correctly noted: This does not mean that the cooperation and working together with these regional parties should be totally given up. These parties have large following from the segments of the population that have to be mobilized if the country has to be relieved of the evil of neo-liberalism. They should be allies of the Left to the extent they are ready to take part in the fight against economic neo-liberalism and for defense of secular democracy (as well as support the people's causes championed by the communists). It needs to be reiterated here that an electoral tactics should be subordinated to the overall political tactics of the party." (pp 13-14). In this context, it has to be noted that the result of recent Lok Sabha election marked the most dangerous change against the secular democracy of our country. Keeping this in view, the draft programme of our party, introduced and adopted for discussion and finalization at 21st Congress at Patna in 2012, must be recast in light of new situation, discussed and adopted through a time bound programme to guide the party in the new phase of the Indian revolution. This brings the question of political tactics of the party in focus. Of course, the detailed political tactical line will be evolved and concretized when we deliberate on-the draft political resolution for the 22nd Party Congress, it will be appropriate to quote here what we have said in the Political resolution adopted in 21 st Party Congress at Patna: "With the deepening of economic crisis, both nationally and internationally, the party has to focus on offering alternatives to policies of economic neo-liberalism and conduct struggles independently and jointly. We have to unite the Left forces around a socio-economic alternative and make concerted efforts to draw other democratic forces, particularly the regional parties, in the struggles for the alternative socio-economic programme that lead to formation of state governments adhering to this concept and an over all anti-economic neo-liberalism shift in country's polity. There may be issues on which a larger democratic unity could be built. Apart from this, we will fight against poverty, unemployment, hunger and corruption and strive to improve the conditions of the people. Broadest possible unity of masses to organize a concerted struggle against the disastrous course of neo-liberalism being pursued by the UPA-II government. Uncompromising struggle against Communalism and to de- fend secular polity. Strengthening the party, broadening its mass base through grass roots struggle and actions. The party must make every effort to build up its strength so as to secure increased representation in Parliament and state assemblies in the forthcoming elections. Relying on its own strength it should build front/alliance/adjustment with other left and secular democratic parties for this purpose on the basis of alternate economic policies. The emphasis should be on ensuring adequate representation of the party in concerned house.

A left and democratic alternative remains the focal point of our efforts during the transitory period. More closer cooperation and unity among the Communist Parties leading to unity of communist movement on a principled basis is an imperative. More frequent and regular consultation between the communist parties and generally among the left parties should take place in order to plan and coordinate joint movements and actions and also to resolve any difference that may crop up. Though our strength is scattered all over the country, the CPI continues to be a big Left force in the country. We must strengthen our relations with other Left parties like AIFB and RSP along with CPI(M). We must try to draw other Left groups so as to build comprehensive Left unity. In the recent period CPI(ML) Liberation and SUCI are participating in some agitations in West Bengal and CPI(ML) had understanding with in By-election sin Bihar. Our path is path of Marxism-Leninism applied to our own conditions, based on the experience of our movement. Our goal remains socialism evolving from the history and with our specific characteristics. Capitalism is doomed, socialism is the only alternative: (pp 39-40).



Here it should be noted that with the advent of the Narendra Modi government that represent the combination of Corporate capital, right reactionary ideology and communalism, we may face very serious developments in the coming period. Its advent also means an end to coalition era that started in the mid nineties, at least for the time being. BJP has gained absolute majority on its own and will go to any length to consolidate it. In such a situation, a more flexible political tactics will be need of the hour. But that should not distract us from the basic goal of building a Left and Democratic alternative based on alternative socio-economic programme. The Left parties had adopted outline of alternative policies to economic neo-liberalism in July 2012. This can provide a basis for concretizing a full fledged socio-economic programme that should not only help us in uniting the broadest possible Left forces in the country but become pivot for mass mobilization through consistent struggles and movements. Of course, protection and strengthening of secular fabric of the country will be cardinal to such mobilization.

TASKS

With the guidelines available in the two documents on "Rejuvenation and re-activisation of Party Organisation" and "Political re-orientation of the Party" following tasks need urgent attention that have to be carried out before the 22nd Party Congress in April 2015.

Nation wide campaign for re-activisation and ratification of the party must be taken up at all levels.

1. State leadership (council or at least the executive) should meet and finalize detailed programme for holding the party conferences from branch to state level. In charges need to be fixed at least for the district conferences. 22nd Congress of CPI will be held from 25-29 March 2015 at Pondicherry.

2. Re-activisation and re-organization of branches according to the constitutional norms should be attempted during the process of holding branch conferences and be completed during party membership renewal for 2015. All branch conferences must conclude with a public meeting to explain the political orientation of the party as well as the programme for struggles on local issues. 15 day campaign should be organised to district level cadre, to explain the Political Organisational decisions, particularly on reactivisation of the Party.

3. District conferences should be held only after holding at least 80 per cent of the branch conferences. Special attention be paid to bridge the generation and gender gap while electing leadership and delegates to the state conferences and to all levels of the party.

4. There should be fund collection for Party Conferences at all levels.

5. Call for mass fund collection, at least once in a year be planned in the state conferences. All Party members, cadres and leaders should participate in the mass fund collection.

6. State leadership should present a detailed report on shortcomings and achievements in conducting mass campaigns and struggles on local issues, membership structure in districts and problems in organizing branches in-proper manner.

7. There should be a special session during the state conferences devoted to the discussion on draft political resolution for 22nd Party Congress to carry forward the process of political re- orientation of the party.

8. Party offices at all level from branches to district should subscribe to at least one of the central journals and state Party Journals. Special efforts be made to widely circulate the party literature.

9. In honour of the 22nd Party Congress, all NC members, candidate members and invitees should enroll or renew subscription of at least 10 persons for NEW AGE or MUKTI SANGHARSH. Other delegates and alternate delegates to the Party Congress should enroll or renew subscription of at least five persons. Quota for NE members be 15 and for Secretariat members 25. This should be reviewed at the Party Congress itself. All N.C. members should collect Party Fund also.

10. NE should assign more than one Central leader during state conference and to supervise the process of entire party conference in the concerned states. State conferences dates should be finalized, after consulting the Party centre.

11. October 16th should be observed as Anti-Price rise day by all Party units, appropriately.

A NOTE ON REJUVENATION AND RE-ACTIVIZATION OF PARTY ORGANISATION

(Adopted by the Special NC Meeting on September 19-21, 2014)

INTRODUCTION

In the normal process, the Organisation report is presented and debated in the Party Congress by constituting a separate Organisation Commission. It is expected that the report will not only be thoroughly reported and measures recommended will be implemented in the following three years till the next Party Congress. In the Thiruvanathapuram Party Congress, a very significant and detailed report on rejuvenation and rectification of the Party Organisation was adopted. In the consequent Party Congresses the Thiruvanathapuram Organisation report was referred extensively but the implementation part was discouraging. Non-implementation of decisions, particularly related to Party Organisation, has become a chronic disease. The Organisation report for the 22nd Party Congress has to take up the issue more extensively.

As the process of Party Congress--- from Branch conferences to Party Congress--- is an extensive and comprehensive process that need to be utilized to inculcate the need for re-activization of the Party Organisation. But for that we have to point out certain shortcomings and mal-functioning that need to be taken up while holding the party conferences at different level. As the renewal of party membership for 2015 will also be completed before the Party Congress, the state councils are expected to chart out detailed programme for rejuvenation of Party Organisation while working out the programme for two events.

The situation in the Hindi heartland and most of the states of Western India is really alarming. The organizational structure is not in constant touch with local people and generally fail to take the pressing , issues of the masses and do not take up initiative to develop movement.

PARTY MEMBERSHIP

Although the renewal of Party membership is taken up every year, it is more or less becoming a ritual. In most of the cases, the renewal and recruitment figures tell very saddening story. Some of the features that can be pointed out after having the first glance of the Membership Chart sent by the state Councils are in the normal process, majority of the candidate members shown in the previous year's chart should reflect increase in the membership next year. In several cases, it seems that to maintain the status quo' or show a slight increase or decrease in the figures for the two categories of members--- full and candidate are worked out and the chart are just sent to fulfill the formality. This covers up the reality of drop-outs. In most cases, the State leadership failed in impressing upon the district councils that the renewal of the party membership has to be done in the annual branch conference.

RENEWAL OF THE PARTY MEMBERSHIP NEED TO BE PONE AS PER THE PARTY CONSTITUTION

Holding of annual branch conferences will go a long way in fulfilling these tasks. Holding of annual branch conference will also help in wiping out the members who do not participate in any of the mass activities of the party. Fear of drop in membership should not deter us from taking some drastic measures for re-activisation. Inactive members alienate the masses from Party.

Still there is a lot to be done to cover the gender and generation gap. Special efforts have to be taken to enroll members with the idea of covering these gaps. Same applies to the recruitment from Dalits, OBCs, minorities and other weaker sections. Promoting cadres from

these segments in the leadership at different level will go along way in attracting these people towards the party. The party members from younger generation will have to be consciously trained and promoted to the leadership at all level.

PARTY BRANCHES

Party branches are the main tool for conducting and expanding the party activities. A party branch alive to the problems of the masses in its area of activity will help the party to strengthen and expand its base at the grass-root level. It is observed that in number of states, the formation of branches and intermediary committees is not on the priority list of the district and state leadership. In some states, the membership has increased in the state as a whole but number of branches has gone down. In several membership charts of the states, there is no proportion in the strength of party membership and number of branches. In several districts, there are just two or three branches in the entire district though membership is around five hundred. In one chart, an important district having membership above eight hundred has no branch or an intermediary committee. This shows that the renewal and recruitment (there are candidate members in the chart) have been done only on paper. Districts, of course, send the amount to state but there are no charts. It applies on some states as well who never send detailed charts. One state council has totally deleted the columns about number of branches and intermediary committees. No discussion on renewal and recruitment takes place at many branches. New members are recruited, without approval of the branch. No Oath taking from new recruits. Large numbers of Party members are never given party education. Membership enrollment campaign is carried on casually for months together. This should be changed consciously. Some immediate measures need to be taken.

There may be exceptions, but a proportion has to be worked out on number of branches in relation to membership. Clubbing of entire taluka in one rural branch will never help. Villages where we have enough party members separate branches need to be created. This should apply in the urban areas on the basis of Municipal ward and localities. In the case of branches on the basis of industry or factory, the members can become associate members in the nearest residential area branch. In metropolis, municipal wards can be divided in several branches. The main area of activity for branch is the local problems faced by the local people. It is alright that the branches respond to the calls from Party Center and State Centers. But that is not enough. Until and unless the branches take up the people's issues at the grass-root level, we will never be able to create a firm mass base.

Along with people's struggle on their problems, the party branches have also to plan participation in the various democratically elected institutions including the Panchayat Raj institutions. In several states, we have never participated in the local bodies' elections and have no representation. This apathy has to be given up. Cooperatives too should be our target.

In the urban areas, apart from targeting the municipalities and corporations, our comrades should actively participate in the activities of Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) and such other organizations dealing with day to day problems of the people. Work among literary, sports and cultural fields need to be given due importance to attract middle class youth and intellectuals.

In the cases of TU based branches, its membership is linked with the service tenure of the employee-member. Some mechanism at different level of the party has to' be developed to keep such party members active with some responsibility even after the retirement or change in job. It is evident that our TU leaders give less importance to recruiting Party members from workmen. We have to give them political education enough to make them ideologically and politically oriented above their economic consciousness. Party education will have to be a continuous process with updated syllabus, and trained teachers. Party branch should be encouraged to have their separate offices. At least they should have proper postal and other digital addresses. This can be ensured by enforcing the rule that each branch should subscribe at least one of the central or state party journals. Every Party branch should have at least 3 mass organizations preferably Agricultural labour, Kisan, Women, Youth and students.

For strengthening party organization in urban and rural areas, the .laws and welfare schemes like MNREGA, RTI and food security etc. should be used. Branch should meet frequently and political and organizational reporting should take place at regularly.

DISTRICT COUNCIL

District Councils are the heart and soul of our party organization. As stated earlier in number of states the very concept of intermediary committees between the branches and district council has been given up. In such a situation, in most cases, the responsibility of remaining in contact and keeping the branches functional lies on the district leadership. This is reflected in casual manner in which membership renewal is done as well as in serious disproportion in membership and number of branches. No criterion is followed in recognizing the district council. With a few dozen party members in the district, full-fledged district council is approved. This give rise to number of distortions and deviation in the functioning of the party organization.

In states with less than 5000 membership, there should be at least 150 party members divided at least in 6 branches to accord the unit the status of district council. In states with membership between 5,000 to 15,000, the district council should be approved if membership is above 250 divided in at least 10 branches. Districts with less than this should be treated as organizing committee. It should have consequential impact in formation of state councils and other apparatus at state level. The strength of the members of the district apparatus should be in proportion to the strength of the party membership. This is the level where conscious measures have to be taken up to cover the gender and generation gap. Upcoming female cadres need to be accommodated in leading bodies. Special efforts need to be made for enrolling women as party members. Same applies on Dalits, OBCs, minorities and other weaker sections.

To implement the principle of change with continuity and to end the generation gap, properly constituted district councils need to elect at least one assistant district secretary who is below 45 years of age. The district council must have their own offices (at least a postal address) and efforts be made to have a whole-time district-secretary. District council should have their bank accounts. Later it should be extended to Taluk Mandal Council and later to big Party branches. Each district council should identify at least three mass organizations (friendship, literary, and cultural and such outfits excluded) on which concentrated work need to be done. District Party secretaries should not continue for more than four terms. District councils have to prepare much in advance for the local/ Panchayat elections Party should contest elections whether win or loose but as a political campaign.

STATE COUNCIL

State leadership has to undertake the major responsibility of party organization, its re-activisation and rectification. State councils are the main political and organizational leadership between the two state conferences. It should really be a representative body having people from all sections and interests. In some of the cases, large state councils are constituted where arranging quorum becomes a problem. Strength of the state council need to be proportionate to the total membership in the state.

In states where party membership is less than 5,000, principle of having only one member for every two hundred members in State Councils need to be adhered strictly. Similarly a proportion need to be worked out for states with membership between 5,000 and 15000

which can be between 35 to 45. The states where the membership is between 15,000 to 30,000 state council should be of 60 to 65 members. The State Councils with membership of 30 to 50 thousand can have 75. Above 50,000 can be 100 member council and bigger states can have 125 members council.

Only duly approved district councils should find representation on the state council. District with large membership and" having more representation in the council should adhere to the principle of bridging the gender and generation gap. State headquarter quota in no case should exceed 15 per cent to 20% of the strength of the state council. Comrades drawn to work full time from headquarters need to be given preference. Other executive and secretariat members should be elected from their respective districts. Leaders of mass organizations too should come from district quota, except the main office bearers. With the election commission and other government machineries becoming more strict, the state headquarters must observe rules and transparency in maintenance of accounts etcetera. There should be internal audit and external audit. Party central audit committee should scrutinize state accounts once in three years; state should scrutinize district accounts every year. Party departments should supervise Mass fronts accounts and report to the concerned Executive Committee.

All districts, particularly with, university base should be encouraged to subscribe central party journals and sale of other literature should be organized. It will also help in forming AISF and teachers organizations. Special efforts be undertaken to form AISF units at such centers. State councils should conduct mass fund collection campaigns at least once a year in which all state council members should personally participate.

State leadership should take initiative to enroll more women members and promote them at all level of party leadership. They should also be put up as candidate in elections in reasonable number. National Council will have to formulate suitable cadre policy and guidelines, reviewing periodically taking in view the changes and requirements of the situation.

CENTRAL LEADERSHIP

There is vast generation and gender gap as well as disconnect with the masses. Special attention need to be paid to overcome these difficulties. The principle of 20 per cent new faces in NC need to be adhered strictly and not in a cosmetic manner. Principle of change with continuity provides enough scope for bringing about some real change in the constitution of the leadership. States that usually nominate or elect comrades for NC need to look into this problem seriously. Provision of inducting veterans at different level can be used to bring about changes.

At least at the level of secretariat, there should be no comrade with dual responsibility of state as well as center. They must develop a collective leadership to inspire the entire party with their writings, lectures and examples of 'simple living and high thinking' and leading militant mass struggles by shaking off habits of routine life and lethargy, if any. This will apply to state secretariat members also. Half of the NE members should be assigned responsibility from the Center and they should not be just participants in the debates in the N E meetings. Secretariat and NE members helping different state units and mass organization should regularly write in the party journals. They should submit written report to the Party Center. The same procedure should be followed at state level also.

The problem related to the functioning the mass fronts need to be discussed in depart at each and every level of party organization. In this context the leading party members working in different mass organizations should be consulted. The concerned departments should be asked to prepare the note to rejuvenate the mass organization. Cadre policy is very important aspect of party organization. Party organization at state and district level should frame the policy. Party education syllabus be reviewed and make it to the standard

of party members and suited to the present situation. Party educational work is to be a regular work of the organization, at various levels. Avoid the trends of maintaining loose membership and renewal in the interest of raising membership.

PARTY JOURNALS

The circulation of central party journals, i.e., NEW AGE and MUKTI SANGHARSH has gone down to miserable level. Some special efforts have to be made to increase the circulation and reach of these journals. (Urdu monthly Hayat too need attention). Party dailies and Journals subscriptions should be enrolled regularly.

END FACTIONALlSM

Factionalism is the biggest organizational decease. It is to be curbed at any cost. Differences of opinions on political, tactical issues are understandable. But intelligently factionalists try to hide behind tactics and political line etc. Factionalism should be curbed if the Party is to expand its influences among the people. Alien class trends and indisciplines which creep into the party must be consciously fought.

IMPLEMENTATION OF DECISIONS

Several times we made self criticism, that our Party makes very good decisions, but fails to implement them. What is the use of making good decision, if they cannot be implemented.

All efforts should be made to implement, political, organizational decisions. We need a guarantee. The guarantee is that the leadership at all levels should be held accountable for the implementation of decision right from Central Secretariat down to the district level. There should be a review of the implementation of decisions, as first item of Agenda in the Executive of concerned committees. The action, criticism, warning, relieving from the responsibility for the failure should be there. That will be the guarantee.

PARTY FUND

Party fund is the key for regular functioning of Party and expansion of our activities. Most of our Party functionaries are unpaid whole timers or Part Timers. We need more whole timers and part timers for Party organization and mass fronts. Prices are going up and our whole timers need to be paid reasonable allowance to feed the family and educate children. Some Part timers should be paid for travel and communication expenses.

Increase the levy from Party members, and leaders at various levels. Levy must be collected along with Party membership during renewal. Every year Party members should be asked to pay donation also which should be equal to one day wage, as minimum fund. This is a regular practice in Kerala. Mass collection campaign for three to seven days should be organised with all leaders and Party members participating in it in every state. November to January is ideal months for collection. All states should-send 10% of the collected fund to the centre. Target of fund will be given separately. Special fund drive from party sympathizers and friends, and well wishers of party should be organised. Fund should be collected during public meetings and other occasions. Old tradition of Party fund collection during marriages and functions of Party comrades should be revived. The entire N.E., N.C. members should collect fund. Each NEC member should collect from 25 people and N.C. members should collect from 10 members minimum and deposit with Party centre. The money collected from the state functionaries of N.C. and NEC, major share will be sent to their state parties or Mass fronts, and they belong to.

Resolution for National Council on Jammu & Kashmir Disaster

The National Council of the CPI expresses serious concern on the disaster caused by the unprecedented rains and floods in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The armed forces and the state government have done a commendable work in rescuing and rehabilitating the lakhs of affected people. The disaster is such that much more is required to be done. The union government should not be content with declaration of "National Calamity" but should provide all necessary finalise and after help to mitigate the miseries of the people. Though rains have stopped, the fear of epidemic break out looms large. Necessary medical help need to be rushed. CPI in cooperation with IDPD has sent a team of doctors to the state. Our party state units are also rushing necessary financial and material help as number of our party comrades and party offices have also been badly affected. While the state government and security forces are busy in providing relief some mischievous elements from across the border are trying to infiltrate and subvert the relief operation. Pakistan should restrain such attempts. The NC of the CPI appeal to the people to generously donate to the relief fund for Jammu and Kashmir.

Resolution for National Council Red Salute to Comrade Bhupesh Gupta on the Eve of Birth Centenary

The National Council of the Communist Party of India, now in session in New Delhi (September 19-21, 2014) proudly salute to the memory of the dedicated revolutionary fighter, Communist and a parliamentarian par-excellence, Comrade Bhupesh Gupta whose

birth centenary will be observed on October 20. The NC dedicates the centenary celebration to the campaign for electoral reform and strengthening of Parliamentary democratic institutions that were zealously and relentlessly served by Comrade Bhupesh Gupta.

Comrade Bhupesh Gupta was born on October 20, 1914 at Itna in Mymensingh district, now in Bangladesh. He joined the freedom movement in his early years and was active in the revolutionary group called "Anushilan". He was arrested first in 1930 and then twice in 1931. He was arrested again in 1933 and was kept in detention till 1937. He passed both FA and BA examinations while in detention. His father then sent him to England, who wanted to keep him away from the revolutionary movement. But in England, too he took part in the Indian students' struggle for freedom. He came in touch with the Comrnunist Party of Great Britain and joined the party group of Indian students. While in England he did his bar-at-Iaw and was called to the bar from the Middle Temple.

Returning to India in 1941 he devoted himself full-time to the work of the communist movement in the country. He worked in 1941 at the underground headquarters of the party. He was one of the founders of the Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU) in 1941. As secretary of Jana Raksha Samiti, he did tremendous organizing work during the Bengal famine and in the rehabilitation task. He also was a founder of the People's Relief Committee. He defended in courts the valiant accused of the Tebhaga struggle in Bengal. He also defended workers in industrial cases, including the TELCO workers of Jamshedpur in 1946 in the compulsory adjudication under the then Defence of India Rules. In 1948, Comrade Bhupesh Gupta went underground in Calcutta when the party was banned. He was arrested in 1951 and detained till April 1952. He was elected to the West Bengal provincial committee of the party in 1947 and appointed chairman of the editorial board of the party's Bengal daily Swadhinata in 1951. In 1952, he was elected to the Rajya Sabha and since then has been its member till his death in 1981. He was the longest serving member in the Rajya Sabha at the time of his death and he was highly respected as a very able, alert and extremely competent parliamentarian. Hardly anyone dared to cross swords with him.

He made a number of exposures in parliament, including those of Mundhra, M 0 Mathai, etc. He was the most dogged champion of the cause of the working people and to voice their complaints, hopes and aspirations in the forum Of parliament was his mission. Known and universally respected even by his political adversaries, he earned a niche of his own in India's parliamentary history.

On June 22, 1977, when the Rajya Sabha celebrated its 100th session and 25th anniversary, Comrade Bhupesh Gupta was specially felicitated.

Comrade Bhupesh Gupta was elected to the Central Committee of the CPI at the Third Congress of the Party at Madurai in December 1953 to January 1954. At the Palghat Congress of the Party in 1956 he was elected to the Central Committee and thence to the politbureau of the party. Since then he was always been elected to all the leading bodies

of the party. At the time of his death he was a member of the Central executive committee and secretary of the national council of the CPI.

Not only was Comrade Bhupesh Gupta a staunch Communist, an able parliamentarian and gifted orator, he was also a powerful writer. He has written a large number of articles and pamphlets on political, economic and topical themes.

Comrade Bhupesh Gupta was Editor of the New Age form 1954 to 1957 and then again from January 1966 to his last.

Comrade Bhupesh Gupta was also well known outside the country, especially in the international communist movement. He kept up his contacts with the Indian community in England and he put up a staunch fight against the notorious British nationality bill in the Rajya Sabha.

Comrade Bhupesh Gupta attended several international conferences. He attended the Bucharest preparatory meeting of the international communist movement. He was a member of the CPI delegation at the 1957, 1960 and 1969 meetings of the World Communist movement. He was also a member of the CPI delegation led by the late Comrade Ajoy Ghosh, which went to Peking in 1959 and met Mao Tsetung.

The National Council of the Communist Party of India calls upon the party units to conduct functions to recall the services rendered by Comrade Bhupesh Gupta and to unleash campaign for comprehensive electoral reform a cause very dear to Comrade Bhupesh Gupta. He was a fighter, both inside and outside the Parliament.

The NC urges upon the government to release a postal stamp of Comrade Bhupesh Gupta to mark his birth centenary.

Resolution for National Council On Birth Centenary of Com. Jharkhande Rai

The National Council of the Communist Party of India pays its rich tribute to valiant freedom fighter, a staunch believer in Marxism-Leninism and a noted parliamentarian Comrade Jharkhande Rai, whose birth centenary observance has started from 10th September 2014.

This NC remembers his contribution in the freedom struggle and in post-independence period. He dedicated his whole life to serve the kisans, agricultural workers and rural people, workers and toiling masses.

Comrade Jharkhande Rai was born on 10th September 1914 in village Amila of Azamgarh district of Eastern Uttar Pradesh and passed away on 18 March 1987. His father was very influential and highly respected Zamindar. During his student days he came in contact with revolutionaries and started attending the meetings of Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) and finally took part in many actions against the British imperialist's establishments. He was twice arrested by British government and first time he was in jail for 3 years and second time for a longer period. He played leading role in looting the British Treasure from the train with colleagues of HSRA and in the history this event is called Pipridih train loot. While in jail he came in contact with RSP leaders Comrade Tridib Choudhry and Com. Jogesh Chatterjee. He was also very much influenced by Shahid-e-Azam

Sardar Bhagat Singh, Ashfaq Ullah Khan and Pandit Ram Prasad Bisrnil, Com. Jharkhande Rai was a keen observer of international developments and communist movement. He was well-known leader of RSP but have serious difference with political understanding of the leadership of RSP on the evaluation of the USSR policies. This forced him not to continue his association with it and in UP all the leaders of RSP quit the party under his leadership and joined the CPI.

Com. Rai popularly addressed by people as "Rai Sahib" contested the first U.P. assembly election in 1952 and continuously got elected 4 times from Ghosi constituency of Azamgarh district of Uttar Pradesh. He also served as a cabinet minister in SVD government of Uttar Pradesh. After the demise of veteran CPI leader Com. Jai Bahadur Singh, who was representing Ghosi parliamentary seat, party put up Com. Jharkhande Rai as CPI candidate in 1968 and he won the bye-election with thumping majority and again won Lok Sabha seat in 1971 and 1980.

He was Central leader of A" India Kisan. Sabha (AIKS) and organised and led farmer and rural people movement in Hindi belt and was the President for many years of UP Kisan Sabha. Com. Jharkhande Rai was elected to National Council of CPI and more than 20 years he was state secretariat and state executive member of the party in UP. He was a prolific writer in Hindi and his articles used to publish in various Hindi dailies and magazines. He is author of two remarkable books about revolutionaries of the freedom movement.

The national council of the CPI urges to party units to observe his centenary and organise the seminar and symposium on agrarian . issues and remember the contribution of this great revolutionary freedom fighter Communist leader ina befitting manner.

Resolution for Price Rise:

Anti Price Rise Campaign on October 16, 2014

Mr. Narendra Modi and BJP hit out at Congress led UPA government for its failure to control the prices and to contain the inflation during the campaign for Lok Sabha Elections.

But in power for more than 100 days, they have done nothing to improve the' situation. They could have re-amended the Essential Commodities Act to prevent hoarding and ban forward trade especially in food items. As a matter of fact prices of veqetables, food grains, edible oils and other. essential commodities have gone up in the last 100 days of BJP government.

On the other hand, the Modi Government continues to increase the charges on public services provided to the people. There are all attempts to weaken the existing welfare schemes such as MNREGA and also to cut down subsidies.

While the real wages of working people are not increasing, the prices, particularly of essential commodities, are shooting up. Inflation continues to be at alarming level. Toiling people continue to suffer.

The National Council of CPI therefore decides to organise a nationwide protest against price rise on October 16, 2014. It calls upon the party units to mobilize people in big way and protest in various forms against Price Rise.

Tuesday, November 04, 2014

WHITHER DEMOCRACY IN INDIA

 'WHITHER DEMOCRACY IN INDIA' AT MOULALI YUBA KENDRA, KOLKATA ON 18TH NOVEMBER, 2014 AT 3.30 P.M.
TO CELEBRATE THE OCCASION OF THE BIRTH CENTENARY OF COM BHUPESH GUPTA UNDER THE FLAG OF West Bengal State Council, Communist Party Of India, A SEMINAR ON 'WHITHER DEMOCRACY IN INDIA' WILL TAKE PLACE AT MOULALI YUBA KENDRA, KOLKATA ON 18TH NOVEMBER, 2014 AT 3.30 P.M.


The list of speakers who will partcipate in the Seminar on 18th November, 2014 at Moulali Yuba Kendra is almost final. The list includes : Com A B BARdhan, Com Sitaram Yechury, Com Dipankar Bhattacharya, Com Debabrata Biswas, Com Pravash Ghosh, Com Khsiti Goswami and Com S Sudhakar Reddy. Com Manju Kumar Majumder will preside.

যুব সংগঠনের রাজ্য সম্মেলন









Tuesday, October 21, 2014

'WHITHER DEMOCRACY IN INDIA' AT MOULALI YUBA KENDRA, KOLKATA ON 18TH NOVEMBER, 2014 AT 3.30 P.M.

TO CELEBRATE THE OCCASION OF THE BIRTH CENTENARY OF COM BHUPESH GUPTA UNDER THE FLAG OF West Bengal State Council, Communist Party Of India, A SEMINAR ON 'WHITHER DEMOCRACY IN INDIA' WILL TAKE PLACE AT MOULALI YUBA KENDRA, KOLKATA ON 18TH NOVEMBER, 2014 AT 3.30 P.M. Genral Secretary of all All India Left Parties i.e CPI(M), CPI(M-L), RSPI, FBI and SUCI (C) are expected to speak on the subject. CHANGE, IF ANY, WILL BE INFORMED IN DUE COURSE. ALL MY FRIENDS AND THEIR FRIENDS ARE WELCOME.

Birth centenary of Com Bhupesh Gupta








Just yesterday birth centenary of Com Bhupesh Gupta has been celebrated at Kolkata (Bhupesh Bhaban , Lahiri-Mukherjee Hall). A resolution passed at the state council meeting (19-20 October, presided over by Com Debasish Dutta)) was read over by Com Bhanudeb Dutta who presided over the Centenary meeting. Speakers were Dr. Anandadev Mukherlee, ex-Vice Chancellor, Vidyasagar University, Dr Shovanlal Dutta Gupta, renowned Political Scientist, Janab Bodiur Rahaman, renowned Research Scholar attached with Dhaka Bangla Academy (Bangladesh) cited walks of Bhupesh Gupta in different fields both in parliament and outside parliament and WB State Secretary Com Manju Kr. Majumder also addressed the maeeting.

Wednesday, October 08, 2014

All religious fundamentalists must be removed from the Democratic fabric of our country

All religious fundamentalists must be removed from the Democratic fabric of our country

The incident of Bardhaman blast shook the whole country and made our stand stronger to fight against all religious fundamentalists which are targeted to destroy the Democratic fabric of our country.

We appeal and believe the people, the press and security persons will act together and unitedly to expose every grains of the soil where these religious fundamentalists spreaded their roots.

Unfortunately there are several ambiguity and contradictions are coming in front of the people

about the negligence of security responsibility, political nexus with the banned terrorists, delay and hesitations on taking appropriate legal procedures. These are all same dangerous to curb the democratic fabric of the country along with the activities of religious fundamentalists terror tactics. Certain facts are here..

Delay of six days

Six days after the “accidental blast” in the West Bengal’s Bardhaman district the four arrested in the case have been charged under sections of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), 2008, officials of the State’s Criminal Investigation Department (CID) said on Wednesday.

The accused have also been charged under section 121 of the Indian Penal Code which relates to waging or attempting to wage war against the Government of India. While Abdul Hakim, an accused

who was present at the site when the accidental blast occurred was arrested on Tuesday, Hashem Molla, another accused in the case was arrested on Monday.

Two women Gulsana Bibi and Alima Bibi who were present in the building after the blast occurred on October 2 were arrested on Sunday.

Earlier the women were charged with several sections of the Indian Penal Code including section 286 for negligent conduct with respect to explosive substance and 120 B criminal conspiracy, 307(attempt to murder), 326(voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons), and 201(causing disappearance or evidence of offence).

No decision on NIA role

A senior official attached to the NIA in Delhi too said the Home Ministry had “not approached” them to probe the blast, in which two persons were killed. A senior official of the Home Ministry in Delhi said separately that the government is “yet to decide” on an NIA probe.

Bangladesh’s reaction

Expressing concern over the incident, Bangladesh’s junior Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan told The Hindu over phone: “We have good relations with India. We share all information on sensitive issues. We would like the Indian Government to do the same in this case.” The Minister said the Government of Bangladesh has “not allowed” its territory to be used for anti-Indian activities. “We have dismantled several camps along the border which were involved in such activities,” Mr. Khan said.

[Note: Bangladesh and India share a 4,096 kilometer (2,545 miles) long international border, the fifth-longest land border in the world, including 262 km in Assam, 856 km in Tripura, 18 km in Mizoram, 443 km in Meghalaya, and 2,217 km in West Bengal. The Bangladeshi Divisions of Dhaka, Khulna, Rajshahi, Rangpur, Sylhet and Chittagong are situated along the border. A number of pillars mark the border between the two states. Small demarcated portions of the border are fenced on both sides.]



Monday, October 06, 2014

The Hok Kolorob Movement

The 2014 Jadavpur University student protest, branded itself as "Hok Kolorob", i.e., "let there be noise". It was originally the title of a song by Bangladeshi singer Arnob and began to be used as a hashtag on Facebook.
The protests have been marked with a strong cultural flavour: students have been singing, dancing and arranging diverse cultural manifestations throughout the days while the protests ensue. The protests have a large oeuvre of posters, graffiti, poems, songs, slogans, street plays and performances dotting the University campus and the streets of Kolkata. This has led the Trinamool Congress to link this protest to the student movements of the 1970s. It is one of the first movements in India to significantly employ social media and internet activism for coordination and dissemination.
On August 28, a girl student of second year at Jadavpur University was dragged into the Old Boys' Hostel on campus and molested, and her male friend beaten up, by 10 residents of the hostel. According to the girl's father, when he approached the interim Vice-Chancellor, Abhijit Chakrabarti, on September 1, he was told to wait for a couple of days as Chakrabarti was going to New Delhi. The father lodged a police complaint on September 2 and sent a letter to the University authorities on September 3, upon which an internal inquiry was ordered in the Vice-Chancellor's absence, believed to be at the behest of state Education Minister Partha Chatterjee. An Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) was formed in accordance with the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013 to investigate the matter. However, the committee was compromised when two of its members visited the girl's home in Bidhannagar on September 5, refusing to identify themselves and asking questions about her dress on the night of the incident. This led to the girl filing a General Diary with the Bidhannagar police station on September 6 for "mental harassment" in which she identified them as professors of the Sanskrit and Women's Studies Departments of Jadavpur University.
A number of students then staged demonstrations demanding that the accused ICC committee members be replaced, as well as forming an "external committee", effectively the Local Complaint Committee (LCC) recommended by the Sexual Harassment Act, and demanding increased security for students within the campus. This was not acceptable to the Vice-Chancellor, but, at the same time, he asked the students to wait until after the meeting of the Executive Councils on the evening of September 16. At the meeting of the Executive Councils it was decided that it is not possible for a panelist to be replaced at some intermediate point of an investigation. This inability to replace panelists, according to University officials, is mandated in the Vishaka Guidelines of the Supreme Court. The officials instead presented a letter which talked about students' code of conduct, totally deviating from the demands of the students.
On the evening of September 16, after the meeting of Executive Council was finished, students gheraoed some university officials, including Vice-Chancellor Abhijit Chakrabarti, in their offices. Following several attempts to communicate and reach an understanding between the officials and the students, the situation reached an impasse, and the students continued their demonstration into the night. The Vice-Chancellor summoned police for protection.
On September 17, 2014, The Kolkata Police arrived at the scene around 8 pm. Some senior officials from the police department tried to negotiate with the students but could not come to a settlement. At around 2 am on September 17, the lights at the entrance to the Administrative Building were suddenly turned off. This was followed by police assault on students, lifting the gherao and thereby completing the rescue operation. The police beat up several students, and arrested 36. Some students were injured, and needed to be hospitalized.
Students say that the police force was aided by several civil-dressed outsiders (cadres of Trinamool Congress, according to students). The gherao was dismantled, and the Vice Chancellor was escorted off the campus by the police. This was immediately followed by a road block by the students in front of the Jadavpur police station. Students allege that female students were manhandled by the police force.
The incident of the beating of students by the police sparked nationwide reaction, with a high amount of protest on social media such as Facebook and Twitter. Videos of the attack on the students surfaced on the internet and TV channels.
Students of the University have boycotted classes since the incident of police brutality. On 20 September, a rally was organized by students in the heart of the city, and was attended by students from the University, other educational institutions, and the general populace in a spontaneous outburst of outrage at the brutality with which the opposition to authority was stamped out. The rally ended peacefully, with student representatives holding a meeting with the Governor of West Bengal, Keshari Nath Tripathi, who is also the Chancellor of the University. Estimates of the number of participants in the rally vary between 30,000 and over 100,000 people. On the same day, protest demonstrations were held in several other Indian cities, showing solidarity with the students of Jadavpur University.
On September 22, a rally was arranged by the ruling Trinamool Congress party against the students. According to newspaper reports, school and college students from suburban and rural areas were dragged to the rally in order to showcase the power of the ruling party. The agitating students of Jadavpur University were mocked through slogans and posters.
On September 25, The Pro-Vice Chancellor of Jadavpur University resigned from his post.
Students, alumni and teachers from major educational institutions in the city and from colleges from across the country have supported the protests. Alumni of the University have arranged for demonstrations in New York, London and Sydney. Participants of the 2013 Shahbag protests in Bangladesh expressed solidarity with the protests. A citizen's convention condemning the police brutality was arranged in the university campus on September 24, which was attended by eminent educationists and intellectuals.
The Commissioner of Police said in a press conference that police came on to the campus only at the request of the Vice-Chancellor. He accused students of offending police officers by using foul language to them. He also said that police were not carrying any lathis, so there was no question of any baton charge (lathi charge). This provoked criticism, as several video clips showed officers carrying lathis.
The main contention by the authorities (both the University and the state government), is that the students were not peaceful, and that the lives and safety of University officials, including the Vice-Chancellor, were under real and tangible threat from the students. Another point raised by the administration was the large presence of "outsiders" among the protesters - students and others who were not currently affiliated with Jadavpur University. According to Vice-Chancellor Abhijit Chakrabarti in an interview with a news channel, these outsiders - alleged to be from rival political parties or to be drug-dealers who supply the student population - were the main element of the rowdiness that justified the use of punitive force.

Saradha Scam – The losers and the gainers

The recent Saradha scam or Saradha Group financial scandal, which has been surfaced in West Bengal disrupted the political equation of the state when CBI enquiries and newspaper reports published the names of a good number of MPs, MLAs, Ministers and prominent personalities attached with the ruling TMC government.  Saradha Group, a consortium of over 200 private companies that was believed to be running a wide variety of collective investment schemes or popularly referred to as chit fund in Eastern India leveraged its apparent proximity to political and bureaucratic power centres to rapidly build up an image of a successful and trustworthy financial organisation among its investors. Saradha Group revolves around a total sum of Rs 2,460 crore with 80 per cent of the depositors' monies still remaining unpaid, a latest investigation report has revealed. The report also states that the arrested Saradha chairman Sudipta Sen was in "total control" of all deposits made by his group companies, which are under the scanner for having perpetrated the alleged fraud. Four companies of the Saradha Group, the report said, used to mobilise money through three schemes - 'fixed deposit', 'recurring deposit' and 'monthly income deposit' - which lured innocent depositors with promises of either "landed property or a foreign tour" as incentive returns.
A joint investigation report of West Bengal police and Enforcement Directorate (ED), in possession of PTI, stated that, "the summary report (of the group) for the years 2008-12 revealed that the four companies of Saradha Group had mobilised an amount of Rs 2,459.59 crore through issuance of their policies. "The investors were paid an amount of Rs 476.57 crore. "As of April 16, 2013, the principal amount to be paid to the investors stood at Rs 1,983.02 crore," the report added.
Sleuths found that the four Saradha Group companies, namely, Saradha Realty India Ltd, Saradha Tours and Travels Pvt Ltd, Saradha Housing Pvt Ltd and Saradha Garden Resort and Hotels Pvt Ltd were in the business of mobilising money from gullible investors. A total of 560 complaints have so far been filed with West Bengal police by duped investors, the report stated.
Describing the working of the scam, which broke early this year, the classified report stated that the "investigation so far carried out revealed that Sen had floated various companies, through numerous branch offices in West Bengal as also in Odisha, Assam, Jharkhand and other states to mobilise deposits from the public".
The group collected the money from over 1.7 million depositors before collapsing in April 2013.
In the aftermath of the scandal, the State Government of West Bengal, where the Saradha Group and the majority of duped investors were based, instituted an inquiry commission to investigate the collapse and also set up a fund to ensure that low-income investors are not bankrupted. The Union Government through the Income Tax Department and Enforcement Directorate also launched a multi-agency probe to investigate the Saradha scam, as well as other similar Ponzi schemes. In May 2014, the Supreme Court of India citing inter-state ramifications, possible international money laundering, serious regulatory failures and alleged political nexus transferred all investigations in the Saradha Scam and other Ponzi schemes to Central Bureau of Investigation, the federal investigative agency.

Law and Legalities 
A chit fund is a kind of savings scheme practiced in India. A chit fund company is a company that manages, conducts, or supervises a chit scheme—as defined in Section of the Chit Funds Act, 1982. According to Section 2(b) of the Chit Fund Act, 1982: "Chit means a transaction whether called chit, chit fund, chitty, kuree or by any other name by or under which a person enters into an agreement with a specified number of persons that every one of them shall subscribe a certain sum of money (or a certain quantity of grain instead) by way of periodical installments over a definite period and that each such subscriber shall, in his turn, as determined by lot or by auction or by tender or in such other manner as may be specified in the chit agreement, be entitled to the prize amount".
The companies that made up Saradha Group were incorporated in 2006. 95% of the fund was collected in the last three years of the scam. Initially, the front-line companies collected money from the public by issuing secured debentures and redeemable preferential bonds. Under Indian Securities regulations and section 67 of the Indian Companies Act (1956), a company cannot raise capital from more than 50 people without issuing a proper prospectus and balance sheet. Its accounts must be audited and it must also have explicit permission to operate from the market regulator Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).
SEBI first confronted Saradha Group in 2009. Saradha Group adapted by opening as many as 200 new companies to create more cross-holdings. This created an extremely complex tiered corporate structure in order to confound SEBI by hampering their ability to consolidate blame. SEBI persisted in its investigation through 2010. Saradha Group reacted by changing its methods of raising capital. In West Bengal, Jharkhand, Assam and Chhattisgarh, it began operating variations of collective investment schemes (CIS) involving tourism packages, forward travel and hotel booking timeshare credit transfer, real estate, infrastructure finance, and motorcycle manufacturing. Investors were rarely informed about the true nature of their investments. Instead, many were told only that they would get high returns after a fixed period. With other investors, the investment was fraudulently sold in the form of a chit fund. Under the Chit Fund Act (1982), chit funds are regulated by state governments rather than SEBI.
SEBI warned the state government of West Bengal about Saradha Group's chit fund activities in 2011, once again prompting Saradha Group to change its methods. This time it acquired and sold large numbers of shares of various listed companies, and then embezzled the proceeds of the sale through accounts which as of September 2014 have not yet been identified. Now, it is to be verified that whether the Saradha Group started laundering a large portion of its funds to Dubai, South Africa and Singapore.
By 2012, SEBI was able to classify the group's activities as collective investment schemes, and not chit funds— and demanded that it immediately stop operating its investment schemes until it received permission to operate from SEBI. Saradha Group did not comply and continued to operate until its collapse in April 2013.
Whose money and who are involved
Like all Ponzi schemes, Saradha Group promised astronomical returns in fanciful but credible investments. Its funds were sold on commission by agents who were recruited from local rural communities. As much as 25–40% of the deposit was returned to these agents as commissions and lucrative gifts to quickly build up a wide agent pyramid. To evade regulators, the group used a nexus of companies to launder money. The group collected the money from over 1.7 million depositors before collapsing in April 2013.
For building its brand it invested heavily on non-financial businesses. Saradha invested in high visibility sectors, such as the Bengali film industry. The group went on a spree of acquiring and establishing local television channels and newspapers. By 2013 it employed over 1500 journalists and owned eight newspapers printed in five languages and one FM radio station.
To further etch itself in the socio-cultural milieu of Bengal, Saradha Group invested in football rivals and the best known football clubs in Bengal, viz., Mohun Bagan and East Bengal.  The group also generously sponsored various Durga Puja celebrations organised by local political leaders.

Target – Rural and sub-urban working people
India has a large low-income rural and sub-urban population with low access to formal banking facilities. A web of parallel informal banking arose to fill the vacuum. At its centre were moneylenders, who used to charge exorbitant rates of interest. To curb this practice several Moneylenders Acts were enacted by the state governments by the 1950s. However failure to replace the role of moneylenders gave rise to fly-by-night financial operators who ran these chit funds in various disguises.
The relatively prosperous rural economy of West Bengal had previously relied on small savings schemes run by Indian Postal Service. However, low rates of interest in the 1980s and '90s encouraged the rise of several Ponzi schemes in speculative ventures such as Sanchayita Investments, Overland Investment Company, Verona Credit and Commercial Investment Company. Together, these scams eliminated close to 100 crore rupees. The continuing decline in interest rates, rapid financialisation of household savings, lack of financial literacy and investor awareness, political patronage, absence of adequate legal deterrence, and regulatory arbitrage encouraged the growth of similar companies. These companies either raised their funds through legitimate channels such as collective investment schemes, non-convertible debentures and preference shares, or illegitimately through hoax financial instruments such as teak bonds, potato bonds or fictitious ventures in agro-export, construction, manufacturing, etc. As of 2013, 8 out of every 10 multi-level marketing and finance schemes against which complaints have been received are based in West Bengal, giving the state the sordid title of 'Ponzi capital of India'. It is estimated that these Ponzi funds have altogether amassed around 1000 crores of rupees from unsuspecting depositors in Eastern India.

Losers and Gainers
Rural and sub-urban working masses are the main losers of their deposited money. These huge funds invested to take a control over the people on behalf of the bourgeois political parties and also gave a clear concentration of capital in the form of land, agro market and industry and the media houses. These capitals will now wait for further concentration to the hands of more large and multinational companies.